Vittorio Carvelli

The Story of Gracchus

LIBER II (The Second Book)

Chapters 13-18

XIII. Aurora nova
13. A New Dawn

Gracchus remained cloistered in his study for the rest of the day, seeing no one, not even Terentius. He retired late, but was unable to sleep, his mind troubled by the disturbing contents of the prophecy that had been given to him by the god Apollo, through his oracle, the Sibyl.

As the first rays of the morning sun turned the sky a delicate pink, Gracchus rose from his bed and went down, accompanied by two of his young bodyguards, to the peristyle where the almost finished statue of Apollo had been placed. The marble was still in the process of being polished, and the god's lyre was still to be gilded, but it was almost complete.

The model for the nude statue of Apollo, holding a lyre, had been Gracchus' 19 year old slave-boy, Petronius. As one of Gracchus' most handsome slaves, he was an ideal model for the most beautiful of all the Olympian gods.

As Gracchus stood and contemplated the magnificent statue, he said, quietly to himself, a prayer to the great god, patron god of the young Octavian, later known as the 'Divine Augustus', asking for the god's guidance in the difficult future that undoubtedly lay ahead.

Listen, the Holy One is near.
The rustling of cypresses announce him,
We sing to him our dark, resounding song,
We move around his white, pillared temple,

Look below where the cool streams run;
There all roam today in nakedness.
Blissfully they drink in the scents and sounds of the meadows,
And all gaze up into the blue heights.

And all rejoice, and all gather
This world's great blossoms of joy.
We, however, will bend down to take the fruit
that falls, golden, between dreaming and waking.

We bring it in silver bowls
To the temple, beside the spear and the shield.
Spread your fragrance, and shine forth
to the world this glorified image!

After having a little breakfast, Gracchus called for Terentius. Terentius arrived at Gracchus study looking understandably concerned.

"I was worried, Dominus," he began. "After you saw Novius, you locked yourself away, and I was concerned about what the old gentleman might have said to you."

"Well, Terentius, I needed time to think," Gracchus explained.

"And what did Novius have to say about the scroll, Dominus?" Terentius asked.

"Well, he agrees with us about Caesaris aster, but he says that it is meant to represent the desire to become Emperor and this is where the contents of the scroll become dangerous for anyone, including you, who becomes aware of the meaning of the oracle," Gracchus explained.

"I understand, Dominus. My lips are sealed," Terentius said, reassuring Gracchus.

"So it seems that there will be four individuals who will attempt, soon it seems, to become emperor, but only one will succeed and this will probably result in some kind of civil war," Gracchus continued wearily.

"Well, there's nothing we can do about that, except avoid getting involved," Terentius said, wondering where all this would lead.

"The most worrying thing that Novius said was that that he foresaw my demise some time after the political upheavals, and that's where the strangest part of the prophecy lies. It seems that the 'aurea puer ad mare' is our young Markos," Gracchus went on.

"But that's doesn't make sense!" Terentius exclaimed, "He's only a slave-boy! Why should he be included in a prophecy from the Sibyl?"

"Exactly!" Gracchus replied, "And that's what I said to Novius, but the prophecy seems quite clear and quite specific. From the way that I read it, it appears that after my demise he should take my name, and position, and carry on my work…" Gracchus continued to an incredulous Terentius.

"But that's absurd!" Terentius blurted out, forgetting for a moment his position as Gracchus freedman.

"Absurd it may seem," Gracchus replied, "But I knew from the beginning that there was something strange about the boy. His manner, his bearing, his speech. He was not a normal slave-boy. And what about that tale that Arion gave you, where the boy claimed to be the son of the Roman official killed by the pirates, and not the official's Greek slave-boy."

"Yes. But that's a story many slaves give, claiming to be freeborn," Terentius interjected.

"Yes, but they don't get a prophecy from an Olympian god to back up their claim!" Gracchus retorted.

There was silence in the room for a moment, as the implications of what Gracchus had just said became plain.

"I'm sorry, Dominus," Terentius then said, quietly. "I was forgetting myself. You are quite right. There is much more to this than appears on the surface, and you need to plan what you should do carefully. And I swear to you that I shall help and support you in every way that I can," Terentius continued.

"Thank you Terentius. I knew I could rely on you."

"So what shall we do?" Terentius asked.

"About the men who would be emperor, and the civil war? Nothing!" Gracchus replied. "The god has given us a timely warning, and it should enable us to avoid becoming involved. For our own safety we must say absolutely nothing about this. As for my demise, that is in the hands of the gods. As for Markos, that will need some thought." Gracchus continued. First you must go back to Arion, the slave trader, and question him thoroughly, but without letting him know the reasons for your questions. Say that your questions are prompted an inquiry from Rome. Meanwhile I must speak carefully to the boy today, and start making plans. And before you go to Arion, see that the statue of Apollo is gilded and finished immediately, and then have a second statue made, with young Petronius as the model. The original shall be dispatched as soon as possible to the temple at Cumae. And get the architect to design a shrine to Apollo in the main atrium, opposite the shrine to Hermes, and have him bring me the drawings as soon as possible."

"Of course, Dominus!" Terentius replied.

While Terentius started his long and arduous journey to Brundisium, Gracchus called for a messenger-boy to go and collect Markos. At the same time, he called for Quintus, as he wanted a record of his intended conversation with Markos. Quintus bustled into the room, with his cerae (wax tablets).

"Quintus, I want a record of my interview with this boy. When he enters the study, see that he is seated, as I want him to feel comfortable. In that way we may be more likely to get at the truth," Gracchus said, as he tidied his desk.

"Yes, Dominus!" Quintus replied, as he prepared a chair for Markos.

Markos, as usual in the morning, was at the main entrance to the villa with Glykon when the messenger-boy found him.

"Gracchus wants to see you!" the boy said breathlessly.

Glykon raided his eyebrows, wondering what was afoot, while Markos looked worried. Markos started to think about all the possible occasions, recently, when he may have said something untoward, that Gracchus might have taken exception to, especially regarding the trip to Cumae, but could think of nothing. Reluctantly, he followed the messenger-boy to Gracchus' study. As soon as he entered, Quintus offered him a chair. This was very odd, as slaves never normally sat in the presence of their master.

"Don't worry, Markos," Gracchus said reassuringly. "Sit down. I want you to be comfortable for our little chat."

Markos sat, by now very worried at this strange turn of events. Meanwhile, Quintus settled himself in a corner, with his stylus hovering over his wax tablet.

"Thank you, Dominus!" Markos said nervously.

Markos noticed that Gracchus looked very tired.

"You have been here some considerable time, Markos, and I have been very pleased with your work, and your attitude towards your studies and your training," Gracchus began.

"I have given you privileges, and special treatment because you are obviously intelligent, but also already well educated. Some have suggested that you are too well educated for an average slave, so there lingers in my mind the question of who you really are. Well?" Gracchus leaned back, leaving the question hanging in the air.

"You know who I am." Dominus, Markos said unsteadily. "Arion, the slave dealer explained that to Terentius."

"Yes, but even Arion was unsure of his facts," Gracchus retorted.

Markos was by then panicking. "But Dominus, if I say anything else, I may find myself being beaten, or something even worse!"

"If you tell me the truth, then no harm will come to you," Gracchus said, reassuringly.

Markos began very quietly, and haltingly, frightened that at any moment Gracchus would loose his temper.

"My father was Gaius Agrippa Aelius, and my name, before I was captured, was Marcus Gaius Aelius," Markos said slowly and with difficulty.

"I was born in Athens. I never met any of my parent's family, and have no idea who they are. My father saw that I was well educated, but I had problems with both my parents, and spent most of my time with my father's Greek slaves, and other Greek friends, which is why I have a Greek accent. When my parents were killed, I deeply regretted being a bad son, and so as not to disgrace them any further, I allowed people to think I was my parents' Greek slave-boy. Now I am happy here in your 'domus'. The pirates could have killed me, but instead they allowed me a new chance in life, and although I am now a slave, I consider that Tyche has been kind to me."

Tyche (Τύχη) meaning 'luck'; Roman equivalent: Fortuna, was the presiding deity that governed fortune and prosperity. She is the daughter of Aphrodite and Zeus or Hermes. In literature, she might be given various genealogies, as a daughter of Hermes and Aphrodite, or considered as one of the Oceanids, daughters of Oceanus and Tethys, or of Zeus. She was connected with Nemesis and Agathos Daimon ('good spirit'). The Greek historian Polybius believed that when no cause can be discovered to events, then the cause of these events may be fairly attributed to Tyche. The constellation of Virgo is sometimes identified as the heavenly figure of Tyche, as well as the goddesses Demeter.

As Markos finished, he hung his head, as if ashamed, and there was a palpable silence in Gracchus' study.

"If you wish to beat me now, or do worse, then do so, if you think I have lied, but I swear to you that I have told you the truth," Markos finally said.

"Leave us!" Gracchus said quietly to Quintus, "And say nothing of this to anyone!"

Quintus, obviously confused by what had transpire, left the room.

Gracchus was staring at Markos.

"Well, young Marcus, it looks like Terentius has made an unnecessary journey. I sent him to speak to Arion, but I hardly think that is needed now," Gracchus smiled, but Markos (or was it Marcus?) didn't realize, because he was still sitting shamefully, with his eyes lowered.

"So, young man, what are we to do with you?"

"I do not know, Dominus," Markos mumbled.

"For the moment, Marcus, nothing will change. You will continue to be the slave-boy Markos, but I intend to give you further training in the work of my freedmen, such as Terentius," Gracchus said, and Markos nodded in acknowledgement.

"You will say nothing about our conversation, nothing about your parents, and nothing about your time in Athens," Gracchus continued. "I will only say this to you, in confidence. It has been given to me that the gods, and one in particular, favor you, and that there is a great future for you, if you can be patient. Study hard, learn, and wait."

Gracchus sat back, waiting for a response, but there was none. Markos was simply too confused by all the many things that had happened to him recently to take in, fully, what Gracchus was saying to him. Gracchus of course understood.

"Just take your time, my boy, and think about what I have been saying, and if you have any quetions, or need any help, just speak to Terentius… You may go!"

"Thank you, Dominus!" Markos replied, quietly, and with that he left Gracchus' study, bewildered, but somewhat relieved.

'Favoured by the Gods', the phrase kept ringing in his ears. Which God, and why, and what would come of it…

But what Markos didn't realize was that, on that morning, the first rays lighting the dawning of his eventual freedom had began the illuminate an otherwise dark sky.

and the story continues – Gracchus, as a result of the prophecy from Apollo – decided to train Markos further, and introduces him to the world of the arena and gladiators.

XIV. De Spectaculis
14. Spectacles

This chapter forms the prelude to Chapter XV 'Dies Ludorum' ('The Day of the Games', Markos' first visit to a Roman Ludi)), and gives much detailed and useful information about Roman amphitheatres, and the nature of Gracchus' involvement in the Games.

While we often talk about 'amphitheatres' and 'arenas' (arena is actually Latin for sand, harenam), such structures were also often known by the older term, Spectacula (from which we derive the word 'spectacular').

Skip the introduction

An amphitheatre, also known as a spectacula, is an open-air venue used for entertainment, performances, and sports. The term derives from the ancient Greek ἀμφιθέατρον (amphitheatron), from ἀμφί (amphi), meaning "on both sides" or "around" and θέατρον (théātron), meaning 'place for viewing'.

Ancient Roman amphitheatres were oval or circular in plan, with seating tiers that surrounded the central performance area, like a modern open-air stadium. In contrast both ancient Greek and ancient Roman theatres were built in a semicircle, with tiered seating rising on one side of the performance area. Ancient Roman amphitheatres were major public venues, circular or oval in plan, with perimeter seating tiers. They were used for events such as Ludi, including gladiator combats, venationes (animal hunts) and executions, and also, in Hellenised areas, and under Hellenised Emperors (Nero, Hadrian etc) for Hellenic Games (gymnastics, athletics. wrestling and boxing) and also for theatrical performances (see below), and re-enactments of mythological dramas (see Sporus Chapter XI). Genuine munera were no longer celebrated in amphitheaters, and were only rarely performed during the empire in private venues (see munera ad Augustum). About 230 Roman amphitheatres have been found across the area of the Roman Empire. Their typical shape, functions and name distinguish them from Roman theatres, which are more or less semicircular in shape; from the circuses (akin to hippodromes) whose much longer circuits were designed mainly for horse or chariot racing events; and from the smaller stadia, which were primarily designed for athletics and footraces. The earliest Roman amphitheatres date from the middle of the first century BC, but most were built under Imperial rule, from the Augustan period (27 BC-14 AD) onward.

A Roman amphitheatre is normally made up of three main parts; the cavea, the arena, and the vomitorium. The seating area is referred to as the cavea (Latin for enclosure). 'Cavea' is formed of concentric rows of stands which are either supported by arches built into the framework of the building. The cavea is traditionally organised in three horizontal sections, corresponding to the social class of the spectators: The ima cavea is the lowest part of the cavea and the one directly surrounding the arena. It was usually reserved for the upper echelons of society. The media cavea directly follows the ima cavea and was open to the general public, though mostly reserved for men. The summa cavea is the highest section and was usually open to women and children (this section was not included in Gracchus' private arena in Baiae). The front row was called the prima cavea and the last row was called the cavea ultima. The cavea was further divided vertically into cunei. A cuneus (Latin for wedge; plural, cunei) was a wedge-shaped division separated by the scalae, or stairways. The arched entrances both at the arena level and within the cavea are called the vomitoria (Latin 'to spew forth'; singular, vomitorium) and were designed to allow rapid dispersal of spectators.

***

Gracchus' hobby was the Ludi, the 'Games'. This was not at all unusual for a Roman male, although it was not entirely in keeping with his love of all things Greek. Gracchus, however, was even more unusual, in that he could afford to indulge his hobby in ways that others could only dream of. Gracchus not only had his own 'stable' of handsome young gladiators, wrestlers, boxers and others, but, in addition, he had built for himself his own amphitheatre in the town of Baiae, close to his villa.

When the word amphitheatre is mentioned, people almost always think of the Colosseum, (more correctly known as the 'Flavian Amphitheatre', in Rome). That amphitheatre, however was unique, as regards its size and its facilities, and would not be completed until AD 80.

The 'Colosseum' or 'Coliseum', also known as the Flavian Amphitheatre (Latin: Amphitheatrum Flavium), is an oval amphitheatre in the centre of the city of Rome. Built of mainly of concrete, it is the largest amphitheatre ever built and is considered one of the greatest works of architecture and engineering ever. The Colosseum is situated just east of the Roman Forum. Construction began under the emperor Vespasian in 72 AD, and was completed in 80 AD by Titus.

There were two other amphitheatres near Baiae. One was was situated at Cumae, and one at Pompeii. The amphitheatre at Pompeii was was the first amphitheatre to be built of stone, in 80 BC, built with the private funds of Quinctius Valgus and Marcius Porcius, (before amphitheatres had been built of wood, or munera and ludi had taken place in fora, and other large public spaces.) The amphitheatre at Pompeii was subsequently buried by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD, that also buried Pompeii itself and the neighbouring town of Herculaneum, (Gracchus' amphitheatre at Baiae, however, survived). The amphitheatre at Cumae was very small, and also of very early construction.

But back to our story… Gracchus charged spectators for the public ludi (Games) that he staged in his amphitheatre, but this was not a significant source of income for him. (Gracchus' main sources of income were from the buying, selling and leasing of slaves, the importation of Greek paintings and sculptures, the production of 'opus caementicium', and the agricultural produce derived from his vast estates in Latium, Campania and Achaea (Αχαΐα).

Gracchus, of course, took no direct part in these commercial activities, as it was considered unworthy and dishonourable for a patrician to indulge in 'trade', and so it was Gracchus' freedmen who were actually responsible for Gracchus' fabulous wealth.

At the time that Gracchus introduced Markos to his amphitheatre, the amphitheatre at Pompeii was inoperative because of a ten year ban, imposed by the Roman authorities, as a result of serious rioting by supporters of opposing teams of gladiators.

It was the day after Gracchus' interview with Markos. Gracchus, himself, was feeling rather at a loss, as his 'right-hand man', Terentius was on a 'fool's errand' to Brundisium, and would not be back for some days. Gracchus felt that he now had to involve his young protege, Markos, in more aspects of his life, and so he decided to take Markos to his amphitheatre, to introduce him to the world of the ludi, and its entertainments.

Interlude, Historical Evidence for the Roman Games

Skip the interlude

There were, we are led to believe, many types of gladiators, but the various classifications are only suggestions, as a wide diversity of evidence survives, from many periods, and over a wide geographical area. Different types of gladiators with different names there certainly were, but how exactly each one was equipped, what particular role they took in the fighting, and how that differed over the centuries of gladiatorial display throughout the whole expanse of the Roman empire is very hard indeed to judge. The question becomes even more tantalizing when we try to fit into the picture the authentic items of gladiatorial armour that still survive, splendid helmets, shields, protections for shoulders and legs (or perhaps arms: it is not always clear exactly which part of the body the makers had in mind). There is a considerable quantity of this, most of it, about 80 per cent, from the gladiatorial barracks at Pompeii, (see above) excavated in the eighteenth century. At first sight, even if it is not from the Colosseum itself, this material provides precious direct evidence of what an ancient combatant in that arena would have worn, only a few years before the Colosseum's inauguration. In addition, it matches up reasonably well with some of the surviving ancient images of gladiators. Yet it is far too good to be true, quite literally. Most of the helmets are lavishly decorated, with embossed with figures of barbarians paying homage to the goddess 'Roma' (the personification of the city), of the mythical strongman Hercules, and with a variety of other more or obviously appropriate scenes. It perhaps fits well with Martial's emphasis on the arena's sophisticated play with stories from classical mythology that one of these helmets is decorated with figures of the Muses. It is also extremely heavy.

The average weight of the helmets is about 4-5 kilos [9-11 pounds], which is about twice that of a standard Roman soldier's helmet, and the heaviest of these 'gladiatorial' helmets weighs in at an almost ridiculous 7 kilos [15 pounds]!

Add to this the fact that none of these items of armour them seem to show any sign of wear and tear, no nasty bash where a sword or a trident came down fiercely, no dent where the shield rolled off and hit the ground. It is hard to resist the suspicion that these magnificent objects were not actually gladiatorial equipment, in regular use. Some archaeologists, predictably have tried very hard to resist that suspicion, and have resorted to some desperate arguments in the process. 'Maybe this Pompeian armour was a new consignment, not yet knocked around in the arena. Maybe the short length of the gladiatorial bouts meant that such weight of equipment was manageable for these fit men; it was not, after all, like fighting a day, long legionary battle. Maybe, and this is where desperation passes the bounds of plausibility- the helmets were known to be so strong that no canny opponent would have bothered to take aim at them, hence their apparently pristine state.' Maybe, but much more likely, is that this armour was the display collection, 'parade armour', used only when the gladiators paraded into the arena at the start of the show (to be replaced by more practical equipment as soon as the fighting started), or on other ceremonial occasions. It was the also the kind of equipment that would best symbolize the gladiator on funeral images or other works of art.

The programme of the ludi

And what of the standard programme of displays in the amphitheater: animal hunts in the morning, executions at midday, gladiators in the afternoon (with the public gladiatorial dinner the evening before to allow the punters to study form)? lt is quite true that each of these elements is referred to by ancient writers describing the shows. The question is whether or not it is right to stitch all these references together into a 'programme'. This is a trap modern students of Roman culture often fall into: pick up one reference in a letter written in the first century AD, combine it with a casual aside in a historian writing a hundred years later, a joke by a Roman satirist which seems to be referring to the same phenomenon, plus a head-on attack composed by a Christian propagandist in North Africa; add it all together and, you've made a 'picture', and supposedly 'reconstructed' an institution of ancient Rome. It is exactly this kind of historical procedure which lies behind modern views of what happened at a Roman baths, or at the races in the Circus Maximus, or at almost any Roman religious ritual you care to name. And it lies behind most attempts to reconstruct the shows in the amphitheater too.

Why is it usually assumed that the lunch interlude was the time for executions? Because the philosopher Seneca writing in the mid first century AD, before the Colosseum was built, in a letter concerned with the moral dangers of crowds, complains that the midday spectacles in some shows he had attended were even worse than the morning. 'In the morning men were thrown to lions and bears, at noon to the audience' he quips. And he goes on to deplore the unadulterated cruelty, while explaining that its victims are criminals, robbers and murderers.

That is the only evidence for the 'lunchtime executions'. In fact, there is just as much evidence for some kind of burlesque, or comedy interlude at lunchtime. And that may have been what Seneca was expecting, when he writes that he was hoping for some 'wit and humor'. Why is it believed that gladiators regularly had a public meal the night before their show? Because the unreliable Christian writer, Tertullian, rather puzzlingly, claims that he himself does not recline in public 'like beast fighters taking their last meal'. There is certainly no evidence at all for the punters coming along to study form; in fact, we have no direct evidence at all for widespread betting on the results of this fighting. That is an idea that comes mostly from the imagination of modern historians, trying to make sense of the shows by assimilating them to horse racing, or to ancient chariot racing, which certainly did attract gambling. Perhaps most surprising of all, considering all the depictions of gladiators in the contemporary media, is the fact that it appears that there is only one account of a specific gladiatorial bout to survive from the ancient world. We have plenty of boastful claims of gladiatorial numbers, a good deal of discussion about the appeal of the gladiators themselves and the valor of the fighting, and countless very imaginative, and probably inaccurate images of these distinctively dressed combatants, decorating everything from cheap oil lamps to mosaic floors (mainly in the distant provinces). Yet the only thing approaching a description of an actual contest between two individual gladiators is the ancient equivalent of a 'goalless draw' in the Colosseum, in AD 8o.

So, what the spectator would actually have seen in any amphitheatre was probably much less like the figure invented by Gérome (who almost certainly had seen the Pompeian finds), and much more like the more lightly clad, though still recognizably 'gladiatorial', gladiators envisaged in 'The Roman Principate' blog, and similar to the rather more 'nifty' fighters depicted in the casual graffiti from Pompeii.

***

Once again, back to our story…

For Gracchus, it was important to have Markos involved in the running of the amphitheatre in Baiae.

Because of Novius' interpretation of the oracle of Apollo, Gracchus had come to believe that his time was 'limited' and that 'death' ('Thanatos) was 'stalking' him, and that Apollo had chosen Markos to continue much of Gracchus' 'work' and part of that work, probably the simplest and easiest, was the running of the Amphiteatre and Ludus in Baiae.

In Greek mythology, Θάνατος, Thanatos, (Death, from θνῄσκω thnēskō 'to die') was the daemon personification of death. He was a minor figure in Greek mythology, often referred to, but rarely appearing in person. His name is transliterated in Latin as Thanatus, but his equivalent in Roman mythology is Mors. The Greek poet Hesiod established in his 'Theogony' that Thánatos is a son of Nyx (Night) and Erebos (Darkness) and twin of Hypnos (Sleep).

"And there the children of dark Night have their dwellings, Sleep and Death, awful gods. The glowing Sun never looks upon them with his beams, neither as he goes up into heaven, nor as he comes down from heaven. And the former of them roams peacefully over the earth and the sea's broad back, and is kindly to men; but the other has a heart of iron, and his spirit within him is pitiless as bronze: whomsoever of men he has once seized he holds fast."

In Roman times, Thanatos came to be seen as a beautiful 'Ephebe' (young teenage boy). He became associated more with a gentle passing than a woeful demise. Many Roman sarcophagi depict him as a winged boy, very much akin to Cupid. He is often depicted dressed in black and carrying a sword. Also in Roman times, he letter θ, the first letter of Thanatos' name, was written on arena score cards, to indicate which individuals had been killed in the arena

Markos, however, was only 16 years old (although the boy was not exactly sure of his age), and while well educated, and speaking both Greek and Latin, he had little practical experience of the adult world. Having been brought up in Athens, he had little or no experience of the Roman ludi, having been involved in the typically Hellenistic 'Gymnasion' (generally, the Greeks, particularly in Athens, were no lovers of the Roman Gladiatorial Ludi, despite the fact that it had its origins with the Greek influenced Etruscans).

So Gracchus decided to take Markos to his amphitheatre in Baiae.

Gracchus remembered the words that Markos had spoken the previous morning, "Now I am happy here in your 'domus'," and therefore he was no longer concerned that Markos would try to run away.

Gracchus therefore took the unprecedented step of informing Vulcan, (the blacksmith and metal worker we met in Chapter III), that Markos should be fitted with a silver slave-collar with an unobtrusive 'catch', so that it could be removed when necessary.

Vulcan appeared to be shocked, and also puzzled, as he had never been asked before to make such a collar, but lacking the ability to speak, he was unable to communicate his concern to Gracchus. Gracchus, however, was obviously aware of Vulcan's feelings, and was prepared to make an explanation, knowing that Vulcan would be unable to tell anyone else.

"It's difficult to explain, Vulcan, but the gods have demanded that this boy is given special treatment. Sometimes he is to appear as 'freeborn', and sometimes as a slave. The gods promise that he will be faithful, and not leave us, so he may be trusted. So I need you to help to perform the will of the gods. But this is our secret."

Vulcan nodded and bowed. He was a simple soul, although a superb craftsman, and Gracchus knew that an appeal to the authority of the gods would ensure his co-operation. And so Vulcan got to work with a will.

Gracchus wanted the people running the amphitheatre, who normally had little or no contact with Gracchus' villa in Baiae, to think of Markos (because he did not wear a collar) as 'freeborn', (which Gracchus now believed to be the actual fact). In that way the boy would receive more respect, a respect which Gracchus wanted Markos to grow to accept, and eventually expect.

Markos, therefore, was very surprised when a messenger-boy knocked on his door, waking him up early, and then took him down to Vulcan's workshop, to have his new slave-collar fitted. It was identical to his previous collar, so no one would notice the change, but now Markos could take it off when Gracchus required him to appear 'freeborn', and Markos could also take it off to sleep, as he often found it uncomfortable to wear in bed.

On his return to his room, after having the collar fitted, he was equally surprised to find that a fine new tunic had been left on his bed. There then followed another knock on the door, and another messenger boy informed Markos that he was to get dressed, (and wear the bracelets, that Gracchus had given him for the convivium), and report to Gracchus at the main entrance.

Gracchus, who was talking to another of his freedmen, was waiting for him, and curtly told Markos to go and wait in the carriage, which was parked in the driveway. Markos got into the carriage, and sat nervously waiting.

When Gracchus joined Markos, the carriage immediately started on its short journey to the amphitheatre.

"So Marcus," Gracchus began, using the Latin form of Markos' name. "You are looking very smart in your new tunic."

"Thank you, Dominus." Marcus respectfully replied.

"Today we are going to my amphitheatre. As for as my people there, as far as they are concerned you are my 'nephew', and will refer to me as 'uncle'. So now you may take off your slave-collar, and I will look after it for you until we return to the villa."

Gracchus mentioned the slave collar with a gleam in his eye, as if it were some 'naughty' secret that only he and Markos were sharing.

"As for my people at the arena, Petronius you have met before, but he is trusted, and will be discreet. One other boy, Atticus, you will have seen before, he fought in the munera, during the convivium. He will, however, be fighting today, and he will not be leaving the arena alive."

Markos had no choice but to agree to Gracchus subterfuge, but he was surprised and rather shocked that Gracchus seemed to certain of the outcome of Atticus' fight in the arena.

It was only a few minutes until the fast moving carriage enter the town of Baiae, and stopped outside Gracchus' amphitheatre.

Now most readers, when the term amphitheatre is used, will automatically think of the Amphitheatrum Flavium, usually referred to, inaccurately, as the 'Colosseum'. At the time of our story, however, nothing like the 'Colosseum' had ever been built, despite the fact that it appears, anachronistically, in numerous films (Quo Vadis, Demetrius and the Gladiators, etc. etc.). The original film, Spartacus (1960), did accurately use a small amphitheatre, but was inaccurate as amphitheatres, in the time of the republic, were temporary structures, built entirely of wood, and not stone. (It is also believed that gladiators did not wear sandals or footwear, bare feet had a better grip on the sand.)

The nearest the mass media has ever got to a realistic image of a gladiatorial setting (in a public fora, although the fight was inaccurate) was in the TV mini series, Rome, and, of course, it was a lot cheaper for the production company than building even a wooden amphitheatre, as was used at the time. (There is a problem, again however, with the sandals)

Gracchus' amphitheatre was unusual, in that it was built entirely of concrete, faced with Travertine stone, and other marbles. Compared to the monstrous Amphitheatrum Flavium (only built much later, and where only the spectators in the most privileged areas could actually see in any detail the events on the sand), Gracchus' arena was small, and compact, giving all the spectators a excellent view. It was mainly patronized by the wealthy visitors to the 'beach resort' of Baiae, and those who owned lavish holiday villas in the area.

A fee was charged for entry to the amphitheatre in order to view Gracchus' entertainments. In providing his entertainments, Gracchus was not aiming at providing panem et circenses. Such diversions were distractions, or the mere satisfaction of the immediate, shallow requirements of a populace, and were offered as a 'palliative', by either the Roman State or aspiring politicians, and had been described by Juvenal as 'bread and circuses (games)'.

Decimus Iūnius Iuvenālis (right), known in English as Juvenal, was a Roman poet active in the late 1st and early 2nd century CE, author of the Satires. (Note, however, that Juvenal lived after this story, and therefore his mention is somewhat anachronistic).

Gracchus, however, had no interest in, or need to curry favour with the plebs (the poor and mainly unemployed), politicking was not his 'game', and he wanted a sophisticated and appreciative audience for his 'shows'. As we have said, the arena was Gracchus' personal indulgence, his 'hobby'. The entertainments that Gracchus enjoyed providing were not restricted to 'Ludum gladiatorium' (gladiatorial games), however, but in keeping with his 'pan-Hellenism', also on occasions consisted of drama and comedy, ludi scaenici, (including 'mime').

Roman plays were presented in the daytime, sometimes before, sometimes after, the noon meal. The average comedy was about two hours long. The characters wore Greek dress. Wigs were employed, a grey wig for an old man, black for a young man, and red for a slave. For the greater part of Roman history the profession of acting was confined to men, the women's parts being taken by youths. There was no limit to the number of actors. Division into acts or scenes was made only when the actor left the stage to prepare for the next appearance. During such intermission a flute player entertained the audience. In both comedies and tragedies probably some of the dialogue was sung, as in modern opera.

Roman mimes. The most popular of the stage entertainments were the mimes, short scenes given by two or three actors, with spoken dialogue. In these skits the actor impersonated rustics, sight-seeing provincials, pompous officials, and other decent but dull types. Of course such a figure, once connected with the ancient dignity of the patricians, could easily be converted into burlesque. The dialogue of the mimes was in verse. The wealthy, as at Baiae, as well as the lower classes delighted in mimes.

Pantomimes, the Roman word does not have the same meaning as it has today. The shows, usually given by a single male dancer, were of three kinds: simple mimicry without music or words, but with dancing; secondly, mimicry with instrumental music; and thirdly, mimicry with music and words, the latter frequently given to a chorus. Some of the pantomimes were modifications of the Atellan fables and Satyr plays. Often they reproduced tales of which were (by modern standards) sexually explicit, illustrated fully and unmistakably, by exaggerated gestures, and displaying various passions and emotions. Cymbals, gongs, castanets, rattles and drums were used. The dancers appearing in pantomimes were much admired for their outstanding beauty.

Actors were never recognized as skilled professionals, and were considered infamia, as with gladiators and professional athletes who appeared naked in public. Performers of lower class, (including slaves), danced, often naked and in a sexually explicit manner, and the wealthy patrician class was happy to be entertained, while supposedly disproving.

The day was hot, with brilliant sunshine, the street was busy, and groups of 'well-heeled' patricians were gathering in anticipation of the amphitheatre opening. The entrance to Gracchus' arena rose up before them, as the carriage came to a halt. Young slaves quickly moved forward to open the carriage door, put in place a portable wooden step, and ensure that the crowded pavement was kept clear. Gracchus stepped out, and was followed immediately by Marcus.

As the slave-boys bowed respectfully, Gracchus and Marcus entered the main prothyrum (foyer), where Petronius, Gracchus' teenage slave (and the model for the statue of Apollo), was waiting for them, with his twinkling eyes and flashing smile, and Marcus was entranced.

and the story continues, Gracchus and Marcus spend the day at Gracchus' Amphitheatre in Baiae, where they witness the defeat and death of young Atticus, an 'arranged' death, designed to keep the secret of Marcus' freeborn status…

XV. Dies Ludorum
15. The Day of the Games

"Greetings, Dominus!" Petronius said with a broad smile. "We are honoured that you come to visit us!".

"Indeed, Petronius. And I am very pleased to see you!" Gracchus replied, taking the handsome young slave along with him, as he made his way to the editors' box.

The Editor was the title given to the individual who was financially responsible for the performances in the arena. Often the editor would be an aspiring politician or prominent public official. In Gracchus' amphitheatre the Editor was, by default, Gracchus, but often he was not present, and one of his freedmen would take his place.

"I see that you have brought your young nephew, Marcus, with you today," Petronius continued, with a conspiratorial smile to Marcus.

It was obvious that Gracchus had ensured that Petronius was well primed.

"I trust that he will enjoy the day's entertainment that you have prepared!"

"Well, in truth, Petronius, it's the 'entertainment' that you have prepared, and I'm sure he will enjou it," Gracchus replied.

Having reached the Editor's Box, Petronius ensured that Gracchus and Marcus had everything they required.

"Please excuse me, Dominus, but I now have to go and help with the arrangements! If you require anything just ask young Adonios," Petronius said, apologetically, leaving Marcus and Gracchus, with Gracchus' two bodyguards and Adonios, in the Editor's Box.

It seemed that the cute 13 year old slave-boy, Adonios, whom Markos had first met at the Munera for Augustus, had obviously been let in on Gracchus' little ploy with regard to Markos being (at least while he was at the amphitheatre), freeborn, as the blonde lad seemed totally un-surprised by Markos' new role, or that Petronius referred to Markos as Gracchus' 'nephew', Marcus (the Latin version of his name).

It was probably at this point that Marcus began to truly understand some of the advantages that great wealth and power could provide, for here he was, raised up above the crowd, most of whom were patricians, and occupying the best vantage point in the amphitheatre, with servants at his beck and call, wearing the finest clothes, and above all he was, at least for that day, free!

De Pompa
The Procession

The Games began with a fanfare, which was the signal for the beginning of the Pompa.

The Pompa signalled the start of the Games; a blend of Greek, Roman, and Etruscan elements. The procession consisted of the gladiators, wrestlers, boxers dancers and actors who may be appearing in the entertainments, along with musicians, palm-bearers, the trainers and coaches, and various other officials and personnel, such as a sign-bearer whose placard gave the crowd information about the events. The pompa circensis took very much the form of a triumphus, (triumph), which was originally a civil ceremony and religious rite, held to publicly celebrate and sanctify the success of a military commander who had led Roman forces to victory in the service of the state or, originally and traditionally, one who had successfully completed a foreign war. Some genuine triumphs included ludi (games), as fulfilment of the general's vow to a god or goddess, made before battle or during its heat, in return for their help in securing victory. During the Republic, such ludi were paid for by the triumphing general, and it was in this way the Pompa which opened the normal ludi became associated with aspects of the Roman triumphus.

Gracchus, being a firm believer in the mos maiorum, the 'customs of the ancestors', was not prepared to turn his Pompa into an 'imitation' triumphus, and therefore dispensed with some of the more exaggerated aspects of the Pompa which would be seen in ludi in Rome. For him, the Pompa was simply an opening presentation, to the audience, of those who were to take part in the day's entertainment, and he forbade any appearance of the Editor (on this day himself, as he was in attendance), or any of his freedmen in the procession.

Ludi Mane
The Morning Entertainments

The amphitheatre didn't open until quite late in the morning, so the morning's program was quite brief. It was to begin with some 'boy fights'. These were fairly 'light-hearted' affairs, with young lads showing off their sword and wrestling skills, but with no intention of inflicting any real damage on their opponents.

This was to be followed by a mythological 'mime', accompanied with music. The subject was to be one of Gracchus' favourites, the 'Rape of Ganymede'. (That mythological subject had been the cause of Marcus nervousness at the time of the convivium, mainly because Marcus had not, at that time, understood Gracchus' fascination with Greek mythology). Petronius, who was mainly responsible for this production, was particularly proud of his achievement, and the whole piece 'went off' without a hitch, even the goats!, as you will see, if your read on…

In Greek mythology, Γανυμήδης (Ganymede) is a divine hero whose homeland was Troy. He was the son of Tros of Dardania, from whose name 'Troy' was supposedly derived, and of Callirrhoe. His brothers were Ilus and Assaracus. In the myth, he is abducted by Zeus, in the form of an eagle, to serve as 'cup-bearer' in Olympus. Homer describes Ganymede as the most beautiful of mortals:

'Ganymedes was the loveliest born of the race of mortals, and therefore the gods caught him away to themselves, to be Zeus' wine-pourer, for the sake of his beauty, so he might be among the immortals.', Homer, Iliad, Book XX, lines 233-235

The myth was a model for the Greek social custom of paiderastía, the socially acceptable erotic relationship between a man and a boy. The Latin form of the name was Catamitus (and also 'Ganymedes'), from which the English word 'catamite' is derived. Ganymede was abducted by Zeus from Mount Ida, near Troy in Phrygia. Ganymede had been tending goats, (see above) a rustic or humble pursuit characteristic of a hero's boyhood before his privileged status is revealed. Zeus turned into an eagle to transport the youth to Mount Olympus. In Olympus, Zeus granted Ganymede eternal youth and immortality, and the office of 'cup-bearer' to the gods. Plato accounts for the pederastic aspect of the myth by attributing its origin to Crete, where the social custom of 'paiderastía' was supposed to have originated. Ganymede was sometimes describes as the 'Eros' of love and desire between men and boys. Plato calls him 'Himeros' (Sexual Desire).

Not surprisingly, Gracchus was very pleased with Petronius' efforts. A dancer, (a slave owned by Gracchus) called Paris, had taken the part of a surprisingly youthful, and very virile and 'erect' Zeus. He was suspended on two wires from a wooden gantry, which was constructed over part of the arena, and 'flown' in, wearing his magnificent eagle wings (overlaid with real gold leaf), and nothing else, apart from a gold laurel wreath (borrowed from Gracchus, on the understanding that it would be returned, undamaged.)

There then followed a somewhat explicit 'mime', accompanied by music, and a reading from Ovid's Metamorphoses, which culminated in the young slave-boy, playing the part of Ganymede, being vigorously buggered by the remarkably 'well endowed' king of the gods.

"Oh fuck! You're too big!" the young slave boy grunted, as 'Zeus' forced open the squirming boy's anus. (Now whether this was intended 'dialogue' - which would be unusual for a mime, or the lad's natural reaction, was difficult to tell, but it undoubtedly added to the verisimilitude of the presentation being an actual 'rape'.)

In a matter of moments, however, the entire bulk of the superbly endowed older slave's huge ppenis had disappeared inside the young lad, who immediately responded by getting a good sized erection, accompanied by appreciative murmurs from the extremely discrete audience. As Zeus started thrusting, it was plain to see, however, that the boy had become a willing partner responding, not only with an erection, but also an ejaculation and noisy orgasm, much to the satisfaction of the audience, who were fascinated by the whole performance.

De Raptu
The Rape

Skip De Raptu and continue the story

Paris, playing the part of Zeus, managed to land deftly on the sand close to 'Ganymede' (played by young Felix). While Paris flicked a catch on his wings that removed the wires that had supported him in his 'flight', Felix mimed a suitable surprise and alarm at the sudden arrival of the 'god'. Paris, anticipating fucking cute little Felix for some considerable time, was already massively erect.

Throughout all the rehearsals for the performance, Petronius had never let Paris actually fuck the boy, although it was made clear that this would be, literally, the 'climax' of the performance. This was because Petronius wanted Paris to be extremely 'excited' when he finally had his opportunity to have sex with the boy, and because he wanted Felix to respond to Paris' exceptional 'size' and virility with a suitable reaction.

Having 'landed', Paris then gently grasped the boy, and sitting on the sand, drew the boy down so that the lad ended up sitting on Paris' huge, erect prick. As the massive 'member' entered the boy, young Felix groaned, finding it difficult, at first, to accommodate the enormous bulk. Once Paris had fully penetrated Felix, the pair of them leaned back, lying on the sand, and Paris started thrusting, as the audience applauded.

"Fuck me hard, and wank me!" Felix whispered to Paris, as his boy-prick stiffened.

Paris first caught hold of the young lad's ball-sack in his hand, and gentle rolled and caressed them the boy's balls, and then he grabbed hold of the lad's rigid 'tool' and started jerking-off the squirming boy. For some time the only sounds in the large arena, which was nearly full, were the moans of young Felix, as he took the repeated thrusts of Paris' huge cock. In addition to Felix's moans, there were the deeper grunts from Paris, as he repeatedly rammed his swollen prick into the naked lad's tight, hot butt-hole. Eventually the pair managed to 'cum' at the same time, with Paris obviously pumping his spunk into the groaning lad, while young Felix squirted his 'boy juice' over his own smooth belly. Having accomplished the 'rape' elegantly, the breathless pair stood, bowed to the audience and, naked, and hand in hand, left the arena, leaving the tethered goats looking somewhat bemused.

While the Rape in the arena may seem to the readers of this story to be nothing more that a piece of harmless, if rather explicit 'fun' (if we ignore the youth of the boy Felix), like most events in the arena, it did have a link back to the ancient Etruscan, ('ancient' even to the Romans of Gracchus' day), rites of the munera. Firstly, while we would consider the story enacted to be mythology, a legend, to most Romans it was 'religion'. Equally, as it was an act of the King of the Gods (Zeus, known to the Romans as 'Jupiter Optimus Maximus'), it was therefore a religious justification for 'pederastry', (love, infatuation and/or lust, often involving a sexual relationship, or copulation, between older and younger males., love of boys). In addition the penetration of the slave taking the part of Ganymede by the older male has connotations related to gladiatorial combat, and therefore the munera, in that the penis was commonly referred to, in slang terms as the gladius, and therefore the boy was being 'penetrated' with a gladius. While it is commonly now believed erroneously (as a result of the 'mass media') that the Roman Games (ludi) was just one long succession of mindless killing, in actuality, many of the presentations were of drama, mime, ballet, and accompanied singing, but almost all these features made reference, in some way to the original ethos of the original, Etruscan munera.

***

Markos, while enjoying the artistry and ingenuity which Petronius had displayed in mounting the remarkable episode, was a little un-nerved when he considered the subject of the 'mime'. He recalled that Gracchus had referred to the myth of Ganymede during the interview, when Gracchus had told Markos that he was to be 'cup-bearer' at the convivium. He had thought that the matter had been put to one side, but now, at this special visit to the amphitheatre, the legend of Ganymede had appeared once again, and on this occasion in a quite explicit form.

However, Marcus' mind was put at rest early on, when Gracchus spoke to him, while the arena scenery was being reset.

"Well Marcus, my boy!" Gracchus said, smiling and turning to Marcus. "I think Petronius staged that extremely well, don't you? And even the goats behaved themselves!…"

Interlude, mythological re-enactments in the amphitheatre

Skip the interlude and continue the story

Mythological re-enactments were more in keeping with the Roman theatre than gladiatorial contests, and for the Romans were a no less important and distinctive a genre of displays in the amphitheatre. The contemporary media often portrays the program of the amphitheatre as one long succession of bloody (and often rather grubby) fights between gladiators. This was definitely not the case. Arena displays were varied (athletics, drama, dance and singing), and not grubby, but usually opulent and magnificent, (which is what those attending expected). While we have only one description of a gladiatorial fight in the whole of Roman literature, (in which both gladiators are supposed to have won! a draw, in other words), there are countless descriptions of 'theatrical' style performances (often, however, deadly, or sexually explicit), which often merged with the numerous tortures and executions. It should also be noted (in the light of the dearth of accounts of actual gladiatorial fights), that the numbers of gladiators reported to have fought in Roman arenas (mainly the Flavian Amphitheater in Rome), are almost certainly wild exaggerations, designed to boost the reputations of the consuls/emperors reported as staging the Games.

• Pasiphae, Martial recounts the re-enactment of Pasiphae, the wife of King Minos, and mother of the Minotaur. According to myth, it was King Minos who brought doom upon Pasiphae, cheating Poseidon of a magnificent bull that was meant to be sacrificed to him in return for legitimizing King Minos' claim for the throne. In punishment for this crime, Pasiphae was cursed to fall in love with the bull. Full of desire for the animal, she requested the craftsman Daedalus to construct for her a wooden cow covered in a hide so she could climb inside and join with the bull in his field. Ovid makes fun of the situation within his work, Ars Amatoria ('The Art of Love'), stating, "Pasiphae shouted for joy when the animal made her his mistress… Well, the lord of the harem, deceived by a wooden plush-covered dummy, got Pasiphae pregnant. The child looked just like his father." Martial's poem appears to show that this event was acted out before the audience in the amphitheatre. There is other evidence for dramatic executions of criminals in the Roman arena along these lines, (presumably the woman would not have survived the encounter, which we may assume to have been some form of quasi-judicial punishment).
  A somewhat more easily staged alternative was to present a fight between Theseus and the Minotaur, (with the Minotaur obviously losing), in the arena.

• Dirce, In the legend, Dirce is tied to the horns of a wild bull, and dragged to her death by Zethus and Amphion, sons of Antiope, who were held prisoner by Dirce. In this case, the myth and re-enactment were essentially the same. Within the arena, a condemned woman, would be forced to re-enact this myth, and tied to the horns of a bull and dragged to her death.

• Prometheus, Later in the book, Martial focuses on the crucifixion of a man, who acted out the punishment of a legendary Roman bandit called Laureolus, until he was finally killed by a wild bear. According to Martial, this criminal simultaneously reminded the audience of the myth of 'Prometheus', whose particular divine punishment was to have his liver continually devoured by vultures during the day and grow back again at night. This is also an aspect of games that other writers pick out when they remark that criminals in the amphitheatre take on the mythological roles of Attis (who castrated himself), or Hercules (burned alive).

• Orpheus, Orpheus was another easily identifiable figure in mythology, and Martial describes a manipulation of the myth. Although Orpheus would have remained identifiable by carrying a lyre, perhaps even playing music and singing, the outcome of the myth was altered. Unlike the myth, Martial records that the death of 'Orpheus' was caused by a bear rather than the Bacchae.In this re-enactment, the mechanics of the amphitheatre would have been put into effect, taking advantage of the multiple entrances, trap doors, and scenic displays. 'Orpheus' would have entered the area with his lyre, while tame and harmless animals would have been slowly released. Some of these animals may have even been trained to interact with the character and his music. Finally, a bear, or some other ferocious animal, would have been released. Once the animal had been released, the individual playing 'Orpheus' would have been killed.Ironically 'Orpheus' would have been killed by the very beast he was meant to charm.

• Apuleius, Even closer to Martial's 'woman and the bull' is an episode in Apuleius' brilliant novel The Golden Ass. Apuleius recounts how a woman convicted of murder was condemned, before being executed, to have sexual intercourse in the local amphitheatre with an ass, in fact the human hero of the story, transformed into an ass by a magical accident. The brainy ass is not convinced that the lion (which is intended to kill the woman) will 'know' the script, and fears that it might well eat him instead of the woman, so he escapes before the performance. While it is possible that a bull may have been trained to have intercourse with a woman, the 'bull' may well have been a man in a bull costume, and that the 'reality' of the union was simply a public rape, performed in the arena.

• Attis, According to Ovid, Attis was a handsome Phrygian boy who was loved by the mother of the gods, Cybele.Attis consecrated himself to her by swearing eternal faithfulness, but subsequently betrayed her with a tree-nymph named Sagaritis. Attis was then driven mad resulting in his self-inflicted emasculation. Within Catullus' song 63, Attis is also described as a boy who emasculated himself as the result of the insanity Cybele infused on him. The end result was the same within the re-enactments. The individual who was to die as "Attis" would inevitably be castrated, which was may even have been self-inflicted. In order for "Attis" to actually castrate himself, it is likely that the individual would have been threatened with death if he refused to do so. It is also probable is that "Attis" would have been anally impaled, and instructed to castrate himself if he was to be freed.

• Persephone, A famous, but unsuccessful attempt at an arena re-enactment of a mythological story relates to the Rape of Persephone. Persephone (also known as Kore) was the daughter of Demeter, the goddess of the harvest, and Zeus. Persephone was abducted and raped by Hades. When Persephone was gathering flowers, she was entranced by a narcissus flower planted by Gaia (to lure her to the Underworld as a favour to Hades), and when she picked it the earth suddenly opened up. Hades, appearing in a golden chariot, seduced and carried Persephone into the underworld. In the year 69, the young, castrated catamite, Sporus became involved with the Emperor Vitellius. Vitellius planned for Sporus to play the title role in the 'Rape of Persephone' for the viewing enjoyment of the crowds, during a ludi. Sporus then committed suicide, to avoid being raped in public.

• Icarus, During the period of our story, there was a portrayal staged by the Emperor (Nero) of the story of Daedalus and Icarus. In this reconstruction, a young slave-boy took the part of Icarus and was 'flown' across the arena on wires, and then dropped from a great height, to his death onto the arena floor.

De Morte Attici
The Death of Atticus

After the 'Rape of Ganymede' there was some Greek style boxing, which had very little appeal for Gracchus. He therefore took the opportunity to retire from the Editors' Box, and lounge on a couch to be served refreshments by Adonios.

Marcus stood to one side, feeling very awkward. It was a strict rule that slaves always stood in the presence of their masters so, for Marcus, the situation was fraught with difficulty. After a few moments Gracchus noticed that Marcus was standing.

"Marcus!" Gracchus exclaimed. "Here you are not a slave, so take a couch and relax!"

Adonios was grinning, seeing at how awkward Marcus looked, but Adonios was remarkably good hearted, and quickly went over to Marcus and offered him refreshments.

"Now we have some gladiators, but with real fighting, not like at the munera, and some Greek-style wrestling. After that it is the turn of that scoundrel, Atticus to be punished," Gracchus said, obviously relishing the word 'punished'.

"How is he to die?" Marcus asked.

"He is to fight, as a gladiator, but for this fight the tables will be turned on him. At the munera he switched the gladius, so that Ferox got the blunt weapon, and he got the deadly one. Fir this fight he will find himself in the same situation as poor Ferox, but I don't think that he will be allowed to die quite so easily," Gracchus concluded.

"And who is to fight Atticus?" Marcus asked, intrigued.

"Wait and see…" Gracchus replied, with an enigmatic smile.

When they returned to the editor's box, as Gracchus had said, the remainder of the Ludi consisted of some wrestling, followed by a further display by the young gymnasts who had performed at Gracchus' convivium.

Then there was a gladiatorial contest, in which, after some skillful swordplay, one of the gladiators ended up walking into a slicing swing made by his opponent's gladius, which cut his head neatly from his body. The audience was thrilled, as the headless gladiator, seemingly unaware of his decapitation, took three more steps towards his opponent before thudding to his knees, and then toppling forwards, all the while spraying blood over himself and the sand from his severed neck.

The arena-slaves then recovered the severed head, and the decapitated young gladiator's headless corpse was stripped naked, and dragged out of the arena with ropes round his ankles.

An arena slave then entered, holding a placard, (in the absence of ancient Roman loudspeakers, announcements were usually made by parading a placard round the arena). The placard stated simply that a slave who had cheated and killed a fellow slave was to be punished.

Then, almost immediately, Marcus recognised Atticus striding into the arena. Atticus looked up at the Editors' Box, and instantly a look of intense surprise crossed his face as he recognised Marcus standing beside Gracchus - and not wearing a slave-collar.

In case you have not been reading The Story of Gracchus consecutively, you need to know something about Atticus. Atticus is a Greek slave-gladiator (his name means 'the boy from Attica', Attica is in Greece). Some time previously Gracchus held a munera in remembrance of the birthday of the Divine Augustus (Divi Augusti). At that munera three pairs of bustuari had fought, the losers being sacrificed in the Etruscan manner. Gracchus had 'arranged' the fight so that selected bustuari would be provided with blunted weapons, thus ensuring their defeat and subsequent deaths. Atticus had secretly swapped over the weapons to ensure that, contrary to Gracchus' plans, he would survive the munera, and Ferox, one of Gracchus' favourites, would die in his place. At the time Gracchus was unable to prevent this from happening, as the munera was considered to be a 'religious' ceremony, however, he subsequently vowed to take his revenge on Atticus. Gracchus had then chosen the day he took Markos to the Amphitheater as the time when Atticus would be punished.

Atticus was equipped very much as he had been for the munera at the villa, with a bulging white loincloth. He carried a gladius, but on this occasion it had been checked before it had been given to Atticus, and it was blunted, and completely useless as a weapon. Whether Atticus knew this or not was a moot point, but regardless, he looked remarkably confident as he entered the arena.

Gracchus had given Petronius special permission to face Atticus in the arena, and Petronius had been given exact instructions as to how to conduct the fight (such as it was).

The senior arena-slave, accompanied by two other slaves, (each carrying a gladius), drew the line in the sand, and the two boys stood either side, waiting for a signal from Gracchus to begin. Atticus and Petronius then began sparring, their swords clashing. After a few moments, Petronius brought his gladius down hard against Atticus' gladius, and Atticus' weapon fractured on impact (this was the result of some work on the gladius performed by 'Vulcan', Gracchus' mute armourer).

Atticus was, as a result, defenceless, and had no option but to sue for mercy, which was exactly what Gracchus had planned.

Of course, Gracchus was not prepared to show any mercy, (just as Atticus had shown no mercy to Ferox).

Atticus was immediately held by two arena slaves, while Petronius stripped the helpless boy of his loincloth. Atticus was partially erect, and his semi-stiff penis, which was dribbling 'pre-cum', jerked suggestively, as he stood facing Petronius.

The question was, was Petronius going to rape Atticus before mutilating and killing him?

Petronius intensely dislike Atticus, and had no inclination to have sex with the boy, and in addition, Gracchus had forbidden Petronius from indulging in such activity in the arena.

Markos was also waiting to see what was going to happen. His feelings for Petronius were such that he was loathe to see his handsome young friend demean himself by having sex in public with the despised Atticus.

"Now, Atticus, if you want this to end quickly and easily, you'd best give us a little performance!" Petronius said gruffly.

"What do you mean?" Atticus asked, looking completely confused.

"Jerk-off and 'cum', here and now, and you'll be finished off quick and clean!" Petronius said, wondering if Atticus would agree to such a demeaning request.

"What? Now? On the sand!" Atticus asked, finding difficult to believe what he was being offered.

"Yes! You're already quite 'hard', so get on with it! The audience is waiting!" Petronius hissed.

And the audience were waiting, restless, and wondering what the two fighters were talking about.

"Alright!" Atticus agreed, "But then just finish me off, quick," Atticus said, sitting on the sand and grabbing hold of his stiffening penis

A murmur went trough the audience.

Atticus probably thought that anything was better than dying immediately, and while he was alive there was always a slim chance of a reprieve, and even if he was to be killed, at least it would be quick and clean, and he would have one, last orgasm, so he started masturbating!

The audience were mesmerised, and Gracchus was surprised that Atticus had 'taken the bait', and was prepared to publicly humiliate himself.

As Gracchus had arranged, however, Petronius had no intention of 'finishing-off' Atticus quickly and cleanly, and he would see that, after Atticus had 'cum', the boy would have plenty of time to rue the day he ever imagined that he could cheat his dominus, and cause the death of one of Gracchus' favourites.

Meanwhile, Atticus, who (as was explained in Chapter X) was disgustingly 'over-sexed', was working hard on his huge, stiff penis. With his legs spread, the hairy root of his penis exposed, and his heavy, fat testicles jerking suggestively, Atticus made an obscene display of himself, and probably unintentionally provided obvious titillation of the audience. After a short while it was obvious to everyone one that young Atticus was getting highly 'excited' and very close to an orgasm.

"Oh shit!… I'm gonna fuckin' cum!…" the naked boy groaned loudly, as he jerked his hips forwards and up, in an attempt to further fuck his own fist. By then his hefty balls had pulled up to his hairy groin, and he had started splattering his creamy seed over his sweaty belly.

Having ejaculated on the sand, Atticus was expecting either to be shown 'mercy', and allowed to leave the arena, or (more likely) to be finished off, by either decapitation, or by having his throat cut.

As it turned out Petronius had instructions to take neither course of action.

Two arena-slaves then took hold of Atticus, who was still dribbling spunk from his softening cock, and laid him on his back.

"What?" Atticus managed to grunt, confused by what was happening.

"There's my spunk!" Atticus shouted.

"So you said you would end it… after I spunked!" Atticus insisted.

***

WARNING:
the following paragraphs are focused on a gory execution
If you don't like that, go directly to the conclusion

***

The slaves then each grabbed one of Atticus' legs, spread them, and then, lifting them up, pulled them over so that Atticus (on his back) had his ankles either side of his head, by his shoulders. The boy was literally 'folded over', with his naked backside exposed.

"Please!… No!…" Atticus pleaded, thinking that he was probably going to have his arse fucked, probably by the two arena-slaves and Petronius.

Petronius was then handed a pilum (javelin) by another arena-slave.

"Oh no! Not that! …Please don't spear me!… Please!… Mercy!…" Atticus cried out.

"You didn't show any mercy to Ferox, and he was castrated and decapitated, so … no mercy will be shown to you!" Petronius said quietly and coldly.

The hushed audience waited to see what would now happen to the naked, helpless boy.

Markos watched intently, interested to see how resolute Petronius could be.

On his back on the sand, in an appallingly ignominous position, Atticus' anus was fully exposed, and Petronius, cruelly let the tip of the javelin rest on the trembling boy's quivering 'hole'.

"No!… Don't spear me there!… Don't' stick it up my fuckin' arse-hole!" Atticus groaned, as he stared at his now stiff jerking penis, which was dribbling clear liquid onto his chest.

Petronius ignored the pleading boy, and began pressing down. The javelin tip immediately began to open up Atticus' anus and blood began to trickle down between his muscular buttocks.

"Fuck!… " Atticus squealed.

Petronius pressed down harder. and the large head of the javelin disappeared inside the squirming boy.

"Shit!… You cunt! It's in my guts!…" Atticus screamed as his hips rose up automatically, and he inadvertently impaled himself on the spear.

Petronius then leaned on the shaft, and the javelin passed right through Atticus' torso, deftly missing his spine, and emerging from his straining back, fully impaling him.

Here, a brief explanation is required: While Gracchus' Amphitheater had been temporarily closed, the arena floor had been renovated. The floor of the arena was covered with sand (hence the name, harena, meaning sand in Latin). More sophisticated amphitheatres, like Gracchus' Amphitheatre, had the sand laid on a wooden floor. The wood, of course, when liquid passed through the sand, would eventually start to rot, hence the renovation. The wooden floor itself was laid over voids, which allowed for storage, and the installation of trap-doors, lifts etc. The wooden floor also allowed for the stable securing of structures on the sandy arena surface. In the case of the appearance of Atticus in the arena, the wooden floor would serve another purpose…

"Fuck!… No!…" Atticus moaned helplessly, as he was held firmly by two of the arena-slaves.

Petronius then called over another arena-slave, and together they both pressed heavily of the metal javelin shaft, forcing it deep into the wooden floor of the arena. The result was that Atticus was not only impaled through his ripped and ruined anus, but was also pinned helplessly to the arena floor. Then Petronius draped Atticus' tiny white loincloth, along with his white leather waist belt, now no further use to the naked boy, over the butt of the pilum.

Petronius then stepped back, looking down on the trembling, sobbing naked boy.

"Now you can stay there…and suffer!" Petronius said, his voice expressionless.

"No …Please!… Help!…" Atticus moaned.

Petronius then walked away, to some polite applause from the audience, and the arena-slaves let go of Atticus, as the boy was now firmly and helplessly attached to the arena floor. There was nothing that Atticus could do.

There was very little external bleeding, but his penis, which had become flaccid, after he had masturbated himself to orgasm, had now stiffened, and become enormously erect, as a result of his anus and rectum being penetrated. (The ultimate public humiliation for an adult Roman male, even a slave). It was not, however, a sexual arousal, but simply an automatic, physiological reaction, accompanied by regular spurt of glistening semen. At the same time his legs started to tremble, and then develop spasms.

Interestingly, Petronius seemed to be in no hurry to 'finish-off' the unfortunate lad, and he called for the next contest, to start, which was to feature two naked pancratium wrestlers.

So, as the wrestlers grabbed the attention of the audience, poor naked Atticus was simply left, humiliated, and moaning in agony, helplessly pinned to the sand.

The ludi went on for another hour, and Atticus remained all that time in the arena, moaning and sobbing, with his legs twitching spasmodically, occasionally dribbling spunk and pre-cum, and spraying urine. While he was pinned to the arena floor, Atticus' penis had become enormously engorged as a result of the large bulk of the javelin shaft, which had horribly stretched his anus and rectum, and his foreskin had been forced back, exposing his dark, gleaming 'glans'.

Romans and Latins, like the Greeks, were by tradition always uncircumcised. While male nudity was accepted completely by the Greeks, and to a lesser extent by the Romans, and normally considered acceptable for slaves, if not citizens, the exposure of what the Romans referred to as the 'glans', (literally in Latin, 'acorn'), was considered the ultimate obscenity, as it was associated with sexual activity.

For the audience, who were seated well above Atticus, it was possible to look down, and observe his 'privates' between his legs, and his unnaturally engorged, twitching penis, with its exposed 'glans', and his horribly swollen testicles, which were objects causing considerable amusement, titillation and arousal for those watching.

However, as the ludi had come to an end it was time to be rid of Atticus. Petronius approached the naked, groaning boy.

"Well …Atticus… Do you remember, at the munera, saying to Ferox, 'What's it feel like, Ferox?', after he had his balls cut off? Well now you're gonna find out, boy, except that you're gonna have you cock cut off as well!" Petronius said, with a grin, as he bent over the squirming by.

Petronius then unsheathed his vicious looking, ivory handled castration knife.

Ironically, the handle of the curved castration knife was in the shape of an fully erect penis, with the 'glans' exposed, and the pommel was carved in the form of a scrotum, containing two bulging testicles. The curved blade of the knife was not only designed to facilitate the removal of penis and testicles, but was also ideal for slicing open the belly, as part of the process of disembowelling.

"No please!… Not my bollocks!…" Atticus groaned.

There was an odd pause.

"I'm sorry!… I'm sorry for what I did to Ferox… really! But just spare me!…" Atticus screamed.

Finish me quick, but not my balls an' my cock!… Please!" the naked boy begged as he squirted yet more spunk.

"Too late for that!" Petronius replied.

With that he grabbed hold of Atticus' bulky genitals.

"No!…" Atticus screamed, as Petronius sliced through the hairy root of Atticus' bulky genitals.

Atticus squealed hysterically.

"What's it feel like, Atticus?!" Petronius asked, coldly.

"F-u-c-k!…" was all that Atticus could reply, as his whole body jerked spasmodically.

Petronius then held up the bloody, severed genitals for the audience to see. The audience, the arena-slaves, Gracchus, Markos and Adonios all applauded. Petronius then threw the severed genitals onto the sand, and bent over Atticus again. This time Petronius drew his large knife, with a gilded handle and pommel, the knife that he used to 'finish-off' fighters, and those being executed.

"Oh shit…! No!" Atticus grunted, but too late.

"So… Ferox is revenged!" Petronius said, viciously, as he slit Atticus' throat.

"Cunt!" Atticus grunted, and then gurgled, blood frothing up from the gaping slit in his neck.

The naked, emasculated, impaled boy's hands clutched fitfully at the sand, and he took over a minute to drown in his own blood.

Finis Ludorum
The Games End

The arena-slaves had great difficulty removing the javelin from the wooden arena floor, and further difficulty removing the javelin from Atticus' naked, mutilated corpse.

Gracchus and Markos, however, did not wait to see the 'clear-up'. They left the Editor's Box immediately after Atticus' throat was cut, and made their way to the prothyrum, to see Petronius.

Petronius, still wearing his black leather braccae, but having had a quick wash, came up to them, looking serious.

"Ah! There you are Petronius!" Gracchus said, smiling.

"Good afternoon, Dominus! I hope that everything was done to your satisfaction, and that young Marcus enjoyed his first visit to the amphitheater," Petronius said.

"Yes, Petronius! As always, I can rely on you!" Gracchus replied, patting the youthful slave on the back.

"So Ferox has been revenged…" Gracchus said reflectively, pausing. "And now I shall sleep better at night," Gracchus continued.

Petronius turned to Markos. "And I hope, young Marcus, that you did not think it too bloody or cruel."

"Not at all Petronius. It was a fitting and humiliating punishment for a cruel, dishonest, and, so I am told, a very lecherous boy."

Gracchus and Petronius looked at one another with some surprise.

"That's what I would hope to hear from a young master!" Gracchus said, with obvious approval and pride.

Petronius looked startled. It was the first time that he had heard the title 'young master' (iuvenis dominus) applied to Marcus. It was what he hoped for, and had suspected of Gracchus, but he was surprised that Gracchus, (always a careful man), had made such an obvious slip.

"Now we must go!" Gracchus hurriedly said to Petronius, sensing that he may have said too much.

"And I am very much in your debt!" he added.

"Not at all!" Petronius answered.

"I am here to serve you, Dominus, and you, dear Marcus!"

As Petronius said 'dear Marcus', he gave one of his 'heart melting' smiles.

and the story continues, having spent a day at Gracchus' Amphitheatre in Baiae, Markos' enthusiasm for the 'Games' is such that he now spends his mornings helping Petronius at the arena.
This chapter considers the origins, history and nature of the 'Games', along with Markos' involvement.

XVI. Marcus et Gladiatores
16. Marcus and Gladiators

In view of the dire warnings given by the oracle of Apollo, Gracchus wanted to prepare Marcus so that he would be able to help to manage Gracchus' vast business empire, including the buying, selling and leasing of slaves and, in particular, Gracchus pet project, the arena at Baiae.

As a result of his visit to the arena, it was obvious that Marcus had a keen interest in all aspects of the amphitheatre, and in particular the gladiators.

It would seem appropriate, therefore, at this point in the story, to consider the significance that the events in the arena had for people in the Roman world, including the characters in our story.

The Roman arena (along with slavery) is one of the aspects of Roman life with which 'modern' people have the greatest difficulty.

To understand both Gracchus, our hero Marcus, and his friends, such as Pretonius and Servius, it would help to look a little more deeply into the 'goings on' in the Roman arena.

Here follow four longish explanations:
Gladiators
Homer and Livy
Origins of the Games
Early history of the Games
The Imperial Period
The Games and Sacrifice
Roman Games and Roman sacrifice
Conclusions
or
Skip all these explanations to continue the story

Gladiators

Few ancient institutions have captivated peoples' imagination like that of the Roman Games. Whether they are approached with a sense of morbid fascination, or viewed with horror and disgust, it is difficult to ignore the death and blood which such spectacles conjure up. The Games have long been recognized as complex and multifaceted, as more than just a 'spectacle' for the sake of 'spectacle'.

Undoubtedly the desire to understand the meaning behind them has persisted from antiquity until the present.

Ancient writers, historians, poets, orators and philosophers saw the Games in various different ways: as a social or moral and religious obligation (munera); as a political tool; as a reflection of the authority and magnificence of Imperial Rule;, the Games were seen as having significance and implications beyond the confines of the amphitheater.

People in the present have also sought to find the greater meaning in the Games, and to also find a way to reconcile Rome's reputation as a civilizing power with its taste for such a form of 'entertainment' (although for the Romans it was undoubtedly more than just entertainment as we understand the concept). Models of the origins, nature, and function of the spectacles have ranged from 'pagan piety' to 'human sacrifice' (as in the munera), and from pure sadism to Imperial politics.

Outside of the 'academic world', of course, there has been a tendency to oversimplify the Games, and classify them as merely the grotesque amusement of depraved rulers and bloodthirsty crowds, to be seen as an indication of the degeneracy of uncivilized people, who were bound to fall. Among those who are more familiar with cinematic representations (movies), and Christian ideology, than with historical and scholarly texts, the violence and brutality of the Games seems so extreme and unfamiliar as to almost defy comprehension.

Thanks to 'martyrology' (the study of Christian martyrs), to historians, such as Edward Gibbon, to artists, such as Gerome, to novels and to Hollywood epics such as Quo Vadis et al, the enduring image of Rome will forever be stained with the blood of the arena (see The Preface). Regardless of who examines the Roman Games, or how they seek to explain or define them, it is unlikely that there will ever be a satisfying or comprehensive answer to the question of why the Games existed, and the full extent of their purpose.

This, however, is no reason to cease searching for new insights.

One approach can be found via the persistent characteristics of the Games, which enable them to be categorized as 'ritual', i.e. as a repeated, theatrical and exaggerated social action. When we classify them as a species of 'ritual', correspondences between the Games and sacrificial practices become imminently visible, due to the programmatic nature of both, and by virtue of the violence that they both share. Ritual is often a behavioural pattern which has lost its original meaning over time, but which continues, often as a form of communication.

If the Games are considered as ritual, and possibly by extension, a form of communication, then they may be composed in a language all their own. This then opens the Games to a whole new world of evaluation and interpretation.

Theories regarding 'allusion' promise to be particularly fruitful in this instance, due to the retrospective, repetitive elements of tradition. By applying the practices used to study 'allusion' in literature, we can read the Games as alluding to any number of other features in Roman life. The idea of 'intertextuality', in which one text refers to, directly quotes, looks back at, or emulates another text, can then be explored through comparisons to other rituals, customs and practices, as well as to literature itself.

This approach could undoubtedly be employed in an investigation of parallels between the Games and sacrificial practices, and between the Games and representative literary examples from Homer and Livy.

Homer and Livy

The work of Homer is relevant because of the ubiquity of his works in the Greco-Roman world, and the cultural capital they possessed, (Marcus has spent a great deal of time studying Homer with his Greek tutor). It is especially convenient to explore comparisons with the 'funeral games' for Patroklos (Patroclus) in Book XXIII of the 'Iliad', due to the similarity (in the context of a funeral), with the Roman Games.

In Greek mythology, as recorded in Homer's Iliad, Πάτροκλος (Patroclus, 'glory of the father') was the son of Menoetius, and Achilles' lover, and brother-in-arms. According to the 'Iliad', when the war had turned against the Greeks, and the Trojans were threatening their ships, Patroclus convinced Achilles to let him lead the Myrmidons into combat. Achilles consents, giving him the armor he had received from his father, Peleus, so that he might impersonate the feared Achilles. Patroclus pursued the Trojans all the way back to the gates of Troy. Patroclus killed many Trojans, Patroclus, however, was stunned by Apollo, wounded by Euphorbos, and finished off by Hector, pierced by his spear.

There then followed the ritual stripping of the body by the Trojan champion, Hector, followed by a prolonged skirmish. The Greeks, obviously wanted to recover the body so that proper funeral rites could take place. The Trojans wanted the naked body of Patroclus as a trophy, which would subsequently probably be mutilated and desecrated.

After much fighting, during which Ajax protected the body of Patroclus, the Greeks finally won, and gained possession of the young warrior's corpse. After retrieving his body, the enraged Achilles returned to battle and avenged his companion's death by killing Hector.

Achilles then desecrated Hector's body by dragging it behind his chariot instead of allowing the Trojans to honorably dispose of it by burning it. Achilles' grief was great, and for some time, he refused to dispose of Patroclus's body, but he was persuaded to do so by an apparition of Patroclus, who told Achilles he could not enter Hades without a proper cremation. Achilles sacrificed horses, dogs and, most significantly, twelve Trojan captives, before placing Patroclus's body on the funeral pyre.

This is particularly suitable because of the additional presence of sacrifice and athletic competition in the events of the ceremony. Additional comparisons to Roman literature can also be helpful, so the work of Livy should be considered, because of his frequent concentration on self-sacrificing, quintessentially Roman heroes, who often participate in single combat, (Marcus has spent a great deal of time studying Livy with his Latin tutor).

Titus Livius (64 or 59 BC - AD 17), known as Livy in English, was a Roman historian who wrote a monumental history of Rome and the Roman people, Ab Urbe Condita Libri (Books from the Foundation of the City), covering the period from the earliest legends of Rome before the traditional foundation in 753 BC through the reign of Augustus in Livy's own time. He was on familiar terms with the Julio-Claudian dynasty, advising Augustus's grandnephew, the future emperor Claudius, as a young man not long before 14 AD in a letter to take up the writing of history. Livy and Augustus's wife, Livia, were from the same clan in different locations, although not related by blood

Livy's works are concerned with the creation and development of distinctly Roman practices and national identity, and he provides many illustrative examples of Roman virtus (manliness).

In the Ludi pro Auspicatu Novi Ætatis, described in Chapter XXXIII, a young gladiator, known in the Ludus to be effeminate, and therefore given a 'feminine' name, Laetitia, and to voluntarily take the submissive part in sexual encounters, is deliberately emasculated during a fight in the arena, and subsequently decapitated. Such effeminacy was highly disapproved of in in adult men (late teens onward), even in slaves.

It is clear that the Games were far more than the entertainment of a morally bankrupt society, or a mere tool manipulated in the hands of a privileged, educated few, (the patricians), who wished to distract or intimidate an impressionable public (the plebs).

The gladiator, too, was more than just a vicious fighter in a vicious 'sport,' the embodiment of Roman sadism, brutality and callousness. The violence and aggression of both the Games and the gladiator personified key elements of Roman life, including religious practice, and the display of masculine virtue (virtus), so highly valued by Rome's citizens.

An integral part of daily life, like sacrifice, the Games were characterized not only as obligation, but as an expression of commitment to the people of Rome. The gladiator, in his position as both adored 'hero' and abhorred 'villain', participated in the Games as an agent and representative of the Roman people. He absorbed the undesirable traits of the community, and purged the community of them as he both fought, and often and died. He performed in ways that evoked admirable (if aggressive and violent) qualities, and memorable acts found in the literature, myths and legends that Romans used to define themselves.

Origins of the Games

Evidence for the earliest origins of gladiatorial combat is unreliable and has long been the subject of debate. General consensus favours the idea that they grew from Etruscan funerary practices and athletic events, but Campanian origins have also been proposed. There is literary support for both the Etruscan and Campanian theories, but none of the sources relied upon in either case are more persuasive than the others. Likewise, the material evidence used to reinforce the two theories is by and large too ambiguous to be entirely convincing.

The case for the Campanian origins of gladiators is made via evidence such as that found in Book 9 of Livy's History of Rome. Here, Livy tells us that after a battle in 308 between the joint forces of Romans and Campanians against the Samnites, the victorious Romans dedicated captured arms of the defeated Samnites to the gods, while the Campanians, "out of pride and hatred of the Samnites armed gladiators, who were the entertainment at their banquets, in the ostentatious arms [of the defeated] and called them by the name of Samnites." This passage, however, is hardly conclusive.

We can glean little from this beyond the fact that armed combat was used as entertainment at Campanian feasts by the end of the 4th century BC. This is certainly not compelling evidence that the Campanians invented the practice. It is also important to note that the sources who mention Campanian enjoyment of gladiatorial combat do so disparagingly. Their indulgence in this type of entertainment highlights the immoral ways of Campanians, and foreshadows Capua's betrayal of Rome during the Hannibalic war.

It seems unlikely that the Romans would adopt a practice with negative connotations, invented by people whom they grew to hate ardently, let alone adopt that practice as a means of paying tribute to their honoured dead.

Some other source for the Games, one which perhaps both Romans and Campanians drew upon, would be more believable. The literary evidence in support of Etruscan origins is also problematic.

Nicolaus of Damascus says in his Athletics that the Games were a practice the Romans were given by the Etruscans. Tertullian admits to some uncertainty about the origins of gladiatorial combat, but based on the authority of his sources he attributes the origins to the Etruscans. Isidorus of Seville offers further evidence of Etruscan origins based on the etymology of the word 'lanista', the technical term for the procurer and trainer of gladiators.

Material evidence for the origins ofthe games is also ambiguous. In the Tomb ofthe Augurs at Tarquinia, the painting of a figure labeled "Phersu" is, some argue, evidence of an early form of wild animal combat similar to later venationes. Some tomb paintings found in Paestum are similarly used to argue for Campanian origins.

The origin of gladiatorial combats is probably not a historical question answerable in terms of a single origin or location, a single original context, and a simple linear transmission. Combats, sacrifices and blood sports were simply too widespread in antiquity.

The best historical approach, therefore, is to concentrate on the context of Rome's adoption and development of the gladiatorial spectacle. Rome's motives for adoption may have differed from the original purpose of munera elsewhere. Equally, one would question why it should be assumed that the games were a foreign import.

In the tremendous variety of human endeavour, the idea of duelling as a performance, whether for the living or the honoured dead, is not such an unusual concept. It may well be that the Roman version of gladiatorial combat was the systematization of a practice common to Italic peoples, and not an import at all.

One concept stands out in this discussion, however, and that is the repeated evidence of the close association of gladiatorial contests with funerals, and rites and sacrifices for the dead.

In the end, although it is impossible to say where the Games came from with any certainty, it is quite safe to say that they were chiefly connected to funerary ritual. In fact, there is no truly compelling reason why one need commit to one theory of origins over another.

At the very least, we can agree that, as Tertullian states, once upon a time, "because it was believed that the souls of the departed are propitiated with human blood, men of old used to sacrifice captives or slaves at funerals."

Early history of the Games

The generally accepted date for the introduction of the Games in Rome is 264 BC, when Decimus Junius Brutus, and his brother Marcus, sponsored gladiatorial combats in honor of their deceased father, Junius Brutus Pera. There is some indication that Games were held in the city prior to this time, but the dates and details of previous instances are undocumented. It is probably safe to imagine that if Games were held prior to these, they must have been very simple and small considering that only three pairs of gladiators fought on this occasion.

Whether or not the gladiatorial combats held in honor of Junius Brutus Pera were truly the first in Rome, it is significant that they are clearly stated as being part of a funerary ritual. Obviously, gladiatorial combat had not, and could not, have been a part of every funeral, but another source, Servius, indicates that these particular rituals (gladiatorial combats) were considered obligatory. This event was not simply in response to death, but in response to the death of an important man of particularly high status.

Following the gladiatorial combats held for Junius Brutus Pera, similar events were sponsored in honor of other deceased men of high rank. The scale, popularity and frequency of these, what were termed in Latin as munera, all grew exponentially.

By the end of the end century BC, it had become apparent that this method of paying tribute to the dead did not only reflected the prestige of the departed, but could also hold great benefits for the living, as a means of making a grand impression on a large number of citizens.

Consequently, the 'Games' were increasingly exploited, particularly towards the end of the Republic, and munera were often postponed until they could be held at more politically advantageous times. Progressively successful manipulation of the Games inspired those who were politically ambitious to continue to court popularity among the masses by sponsoring Games, however, as it was impossible for every aspiring demagogue to have a conveniently deceased relative of appropriate status, and additional pretexts for the Games were found.

Julius Caesar, most notably, by passed the requirement of a dead male relation when he held games in honor of his daughter in 45 BC, eight years after her death.

In the first century BC, rival generals expanded and conflated existing spectacles, and imported or invented variations to court popular support… In theory or pretext munera under the Republic were always associated with death and funerary honors, but aspiring politicians clearly felt that they had to provide such spectacles as events in themselves.

The manipulation of munera was obviously becoming a problem,and laws were instituted in order to curb the use of the games for personal gain, but certain individuals always found ways to circumvent regulations.

The Imperial period

As a result of the exploitation of the munera during the last few decades of the Republic, the appearance and function of the munera had changed. By this time, there was little hope of maintaining or recovering their original purpose, at least, not in its entirety, if, indeed, any desire to preserve their original intent even existed. The Roman people had long since developed a taste for elaborate spectacle, and their political leaders had responded in kind.

In 44 BC, just months before his death, the Senate honored Julius Caesar by means of a decree that all games in Rome and Italy would henceforth include one day dedicated to him.

In 42 BC, gladiatorial combats was for the first time included in ludi (not to be confused with munera), religiously motivated state sponsored events held in Rome on a regular basis, which often included chariot races, theatrical performances, athletic competitions, triumphal displays, or some combination of the above. The organization of these ludi (games) was the delegated responsibility of elected officials, and they were yet another way that individuals gained and maintained status. It was not long then, before munera and ludi became nearly synonymous.

Venationes, or beast hunts, were rather naturally combined with gladiatorial combats, since the exhibition and, more often than not, killing of animals for the purposes of entertainment or ritual was nothing new to Rome.

The spectacle of the execution of criminals (this normally only applied to slaves, however), had also been a long established, both within Rome and in Italy and in the provinces, so the ultimate inclusion of capital punishment as a part of the games is unsurprising.

Military triumphs, too, shared many of the elements present in the now extended games (exhibition of physical prowess, exotic and extravagant goods, public largess, capital punishment) and so their association with gladiatorial combat was to be expected.

The Games, at least in the capital, eventually merged various types of spectacle into a grander and more complex whole.

By the late first century BC, Rome had what might be called 'conglomerate spectacles', which conflated pretexts (e.g. funerals, victory ludi, magisterial duty, electoral largess, hunts, public banquets, patronage, and punishment), and were soon institutionalized by Principate. The 'conglomeration' of Games began with their incorporation into ludi, as mentioned above, and was further regularized and institutionalized during the reign of Augustus. In 22 BC he placed the organization of official imperial munera in Rome in the hands of the praetors, but strict limitations were also placed upon the number of days, money and combatants for each event.

Official Imperial schools for gladiators were later created, and the Roman state became intimately involved in the trade and regulation of gladiators. During the Empire, the Games had become a regular feature of Roman life, and one which persisted until its collapse, and even beyond.

The Games and Sacrifice

Just as it was practical to examine the origins and history of gladiatorial combat, so too discussing the basics of Roman sacrificial ritual will also help to facilitate clearer comparisons between the Games and sacrifice, and assist in emphasizing the idea that the idea that the Games were a type of ritual. Roman religious life was incredibly diverse, and became increasingly so as the Empire's borders grew, and new forms of worship were introduced from the provinces. As a result of this, the reduction of its history and variety into a simple overview is impossible. Even focusing on a single, central facet, such as sacrifice, is problematic.

Sacrifice was ubiquitous, not only in Roman life, but in antiquity at large, and was subject to a great deal of variation. The act of sacrifice fulfilled a range of functions. It could be petitionary, expiatory, or votive. It could be a public event, held in front of a temple, and performed by a religious official, or a private ceremony, performed in the home, by the head of the family.

Offerings could fall into two categories, depending on the type of sacrifice being conducted: blood and bloodless. Blood sacrifice consisted predominantly of the slaughter of pigs, sheep, goats and cattle, although other animals such as dogs, horses and cockerels could be used depending on the ceremony. Bloodless offerings could include objects such as garlands of flowers, offerings of grain, sacrificial cakes, honey, milk, salt wine, fruit, incense or perfume.

In linking sacrifice to the Games, however, it is essential to focus on public sacrifices, held in honor of the gods, because a great number of people participated in, and benefited from, these rituals.

In his Roman Antiquities, Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Διονύσιος Ἀλεξάνδρου Ἁλικαρνᾱσσεύς) provided a description of a sacrifice that is particularly relevant, both because it was a public, and because it was a part of the ludi magni, 'Great Games', which did not include gladiatorial combat, but were a somewhat similar combination of spectacle and religious practice. Dionysius' description is also convenient because it is an exemplary model of the six part 'ideal' form of Roman public sacrifice -

• the procession (pompa) of victims to the altar;
• the prayer of the main officiant at the sacrifice, and the offering of wine, incense, etc. as a 'libation') at the altar;
• the pouring of wine and meal (mola salsa) over the animal's head by the main sacrificant;
• the killing of the animal by slaves;
• the examination of the entrails for omens;
• the burning of parts of the animal on the altar, followed normally (except in some cases where the whole animal was burnt) by a banquet.

Dionysius begins with an extensive account of the pompa with which the ceremony commenced. Young men on the verge of manhood, either on foot or on horseback, depending on the status of their fathers, were at the head of the procession "in order that strangers might see the number and beauty of Rome's youth." Charioteers and contestants in the athletic competitions followed behind the young men. Three bands of armed Pyrrhic dancers organized according to age came next, accompanied by flute and lyre players. After these, yet another band of dancers followed dancing in a bawdy style known as sicinnis, impersonating satyrs, and mocking the dancers who had come before them. Yet more lyre and flute players followed them, and after them came people carrying censers with incense, and various sacred vessels. Lastly, the images or statues of the gods were brought forth on the backs of participants. This procession began on the Capitoline, continued through the Forum and ended at the Circus Maximus, where the consuls and priests then sacrificed oxen.

The subsequent sacrifice described by Dionysius is so similar to the established Greek ritual that he is convinced that the founders of Rome were Greeks from different places who had assembled in Italy.

The consuls and priests followed the expected pattern:

'After washing their hands they purified the victims with clear water and sprinkled corn on their heads, after which they prayed, and then gave orders to their assistants to sacrifice them. Some of these assistants, while the victim was still standing, struck it on the temple with a club, and others received it upon the sacrificial knives as it fell. After this they flayed it and cut it up, taking off a piece from each of the inards, and also from every limb as a first-offering, which they sprinkled with grits of spelt, and carried in baskets to the officiating priests. These placed them on the altars, and making a fire under them, poured wine over them while they were burning.'

It is easy to see from Homer's poems that every one of these ceremonies was performed according to the customs established by the Greeks with reference to sacrifices.

Pre-ceremony preparations were equally important, and included bathing, dressing in clean clothes, putting on ornaments and wreaths, and often abstaining from sexual activity. Sacrificial victims were likewise 'dressed-up', with garlands, gilding on their horns and woolen fillets.

Once the pompa began, both the participants and their offerings "departed from the everyday world, moving to a single rhythm and singing." The procession carried participants from the secular world to a sacred place, where an altar and fire awaited them. Virgins led the charge, carrying baskets or other vessels containing the sacrificial implements and a censer was used to "impregnate the atmosphere with the scent of the extraordinary." There was musical accompaniment, usually the flute.

Here, the Roman scheme differs because of their use of male youths, rather than virgins, as the leaders of the procession. This is undoubtedly symbolic of the Roman partiality for male strength, beauty and vigor. It is also notable that the youthful male Pyrrhic dancers are not a feature of Greek ritual.

Upon reaching the designated sacred area, participants marked off a circle by carrying the sacrificial implements around the assembly, once again separating the sacred realm from the secular. A description of this act is missing from Dionysius' account, but it is possible that this was simply an understood part of the pompa, and something he did not deem worthy of mentioning.

The victim's willing participation was an important element of the process, and a sign that a higher will was commanding compliance.

The sprinkling of the victim's head with water (or mola salsa) caused the animal to nod or bow its head, which was perceived as a gesture of acceptance.

In ancient Roman religion, mola salsa ('salted flour') was a mixture of coarse-ground, toasted emmer flour and salt used in every official sacrifice. It was sprinkled on the forehead, and between the horns of animal victims before they were sacrificed, as well as on the altar and in the sacred fire. It was a common offering to the household hearth. The substance was described as pius ('reverently prepared' in this sense) and castus ('ritually pure'). The mola salsa was so fundamental to sacrifice that 'to put on the mola' (Latin immolare) came to mean 'to sacrifice', hence English 'immolation'. Its use was one of the numerous religious traditions ascribed to Etruscan tradition.

Naturally, animals were not always fully cooperative, but in principle, the victim had to indicate its consent, particularly by lowering its head. For this reason, it would generally be tied by a harness fastened to a ring at the foot of the altar so that, with a little help from the sacrificer, it would make the gesture of acquiescence.

Once the victim showed its submission, the knife was finally uncovered, a few hairs from the animal's head were shorn off with it and thrown into the fire. Attendants then struck the death blow and blood was finally spilled. Once the act of violence had been completed, there was an examination of the entrails by a seer.

Participation in sacrifice created, strengthened and maintained social bonds. Whether it was through one's place in the order of the procession or through the carrying of implements, or the actual physical violence of the ritual, every member of society had a place, and a purpose. Complicated social structures found expression in the diverse roles the participants assumed in the course of the ritual, from the various 'beginnings', through prayer, slaughter, skinning, and cutting up, to the final banquet. Each participant had a set function and acted according to a precisely fixed order. The sacrificial community is thus a model of society as a whole, divided according to occupation and rank.

Sacrifice was a means by which an individual indicated his membership and place in the community, and whereby social hierarchies were upheld.

Roman Games, too, fulfilled similar functions in Roman life. The Games cannot only be classified as ritual simply because of their recursive quality, but because they contained many elements analogous to those just described.

Roman Games and Roman sacrifice

The Roman games varied widely in scope and schema over the centuries. Although they were often subject to the creative impulses and extravagance of Editores (Games Organisers, like Gracchus) and Imperatores (Emperors), basic elements were nevertheless adopted and consistently repeated.

A certain degree of variatio or innovation was surely a necessary facet of the Games in their role as spectacle and entertainment, but their repetitive features contributed to the establishment of a formulaic pattern which, on some level at least, still maintained the essence of the original religious and ritualistic nature of the munera.

The supposedly 'tainted' blood of the slaves, who were to appear in the Games, was ritually unsuited for, what was originally, a funeral offerings, and the abstemious behavior of such slaves, prior to their appearance in the arena was similar both to the special preparations of participants in a sacrifice, and to the preparation of a victim.

The washing, depilation (removal of body hair), and abstention from sexual activity, as well as the anointing of the skin with oil had a cleansing aspect, giving the gladiator a physical purity and perfection comparable to that demanded of animals in regular blood sacrifices.

The Games, like sacrifice, also began with a Pompa. Tertullian (many years after the period of our story) notably marks the religious aspect oft his procession with the disgust one might expect from a Christian author criticizing demonic idolatry and pagan practices.

A more objective source, a grave relief of a munera from Pompeii, helps to further illuminate the procession.

Lictors lead the pompa, dressed in togas, bearing the fasces.

A lictor (possibly from Latin: ligare, 'to bind') was a Roman civil servant who was a bodyguard to magistrates who held imperium. Lictors were used since the Roman Kingdom, and according to Roman historian Livy, the custom may have originated earlier, in the Etruscan civilization. The lictor's main task was to attend as bodyguards to magistrates who held imperium.

They carried rods decorated with fasces and, outside the pomerium, with axes that symbolized the power to carry out capital punishment. Dictatorial lictors had axes even within the pomerium. They followed the magistrate wherever he went, including the Forum, his house, temples, and the baths. Lictors were organized in an ordered line before him, with the primus lictor (the principal lictor) directly in front of him, waiting for orders. If there was a crowd, the lictors opened the way and kept their master safe, pushing all aside except for Roman matrons, who were accorded special honor. They also had to stand beside the magistrate whenever he addressed the crowd.

They are followed by tubicines, or trumpeters, who are in turn followed by men with platforms on their shoulders carrying the images of gods and possibly deified emperors. Behind these are figures carrying writing tablets and palm branches, presumably to record victories and reward victors. The editor followed the 'score-keepers'. Still more officials and then more musicians follow the editor. This pompa is similar to that of a regular sacrifice as already described, but it seems to be a more masculine adaptation.

The procession, rather than ending at a temple or other sacred precinct, led to the amphitheater, yet another area defined by a boundary, separating the ordinary from the extraordinary. There, the crowd took their places, very much according to their status and rank in the Roman social hierarchy, just as the participants in the aforementioned sacrifice. High status individuals occupied the lowest seats, next to the arena. Behind them, and further from the sanded performance area would be the 'lower orders'. The amphitheatre was therefore an ideal, more and more orderly and spatially arranged microcosm of Roman society.

The hunting and killing of animals, which often came early in the program. This was not only similar to the slaughter of animals in religious sacrificial rituals, but was also an expression of courage, of physical strength, and of Rome's mastery of the natural world. The killing of domestic animals in the arena, such as bulls and pigs, was a novel variation of commonplace sacrificial offering, while the incorporation of foreign animals into the same events symbolically assimilated the farthest reaches of the empire into a practice that, although shaped by outside influences, had grown into something distinctly Roman.

Executions were also an important part of the Games. It was at this point that the greatest number of human deaths occurred. Gladiators, though sometimes criminals, and almost always slaves, were of a slightly different class than noxii. In the early spectacles all the human victims came from the same class of social outsiders, uncontrollable slaves, (like Atticus), captives, deserters, and criminals. Damnati included both gladiators and noxii, but there was a hierarchy of skill, virtue and hope. 'Professional' gladiators were agonistic (fighters): theirs was a life or death struggle, but for noxii there was 'no contest,' for they had not been selected for gladiatorial training (i.e. as 'damnati ad ludum gladiatorium or venatorium').

As non-citizens beyond the rights and obligations of mos and lex (e.g. the right to exile, suicide, or normal execution by beheading (ad gladium), noxii faced summa supplicia, the worst forms of aggravated capital punishment. Noxii had shown contempt for the law, the Roman people and their rulers. Their lives were therefore forfeit, and an expendable commodity for public demonstrations of Roman hegemony.

In the imperial period, executions were increasingly staged as re-enactments of famous battles or reenacted scenes from mythology, which are sometimes refered to as 'fatal charades'.

Because noxii were generally frightened, untrained amateurs, these performances did not always remain faithful to the stories on which they were based, however, in a society where mythology was the cultural currency, the ritual events of ordinary life might naturally be set in a mythological context; or, to put it more broadly, Greco-Roman mythology provided an all-encompassing frame of reference for everyday Roman experience.A superficial appropriateness was quite adequate; points of detail did not have to correspond exatly in all cases.

The functions of these public executions were retribution, humiliation, correction, prevention and deterrence. On the issue of humiliation, which was central both in the staging of the execution, and in the behavior of the spectators, the humiliation of the offender further validates the processes of the law by distancing the onlooker from the criminal, and reducing the possibility of a sympathetic attitude towards him on the part of the spectators.

The public nature of Roman execution shows that one purpose of humiliating the miscreant was to alienate him from his entire social context, so that the spectators, regardless of class, were united in a feeling of moral superiority as they ridiculed the miscreant. This may certainly be the case, but it seems reasonable to add to this (and the other functions) yet another objective to the public executions, one of religious observance.

This may not have been a conscious action on the part of the spectators, but awareness is not necessary for a correspondence with other rituals to exist. Within the jeers and irreverence of the audience are echoes of Greek religious practices, namely those of the Thesmophoria and Dionysia, rituals which prominently included ridicule and sexually explicit obscenity. These rituals reestablished order by means of a temporary lack of composure and the disregard of codes of proper behavior, and which had connections to blood and death (in the case of the Thesmophoria) and involved theatrical displays (in the case of the Dionysia).

Reenactments of episodes from myth and history brought tradition to life before the audience's eyes.

The main feature of a day at the Games was undoubtedly the combat. This could include Roman boxing and the Roman Pancratium (a form of 'no holds barred' wrestling) both of which could prove fatal to the defeated contestant.

The main event, however, was the gladiatorial combats.

Before the actual fighting began there was an official inspection of the weapons, a display of the instruments of encouragement mentioned in the gladiatorial oath, and a general showing off by the contestants. Then, at a signal from the munerarius (director of the contest), a trumpet sounded, and the first pair of gladiators were matched against each other under the supervision of two referees.

Seneca's description of the gladiator's oath is particularly compelling because he conflates this oath not only with military service, but with the commitment one must make to virtue.

"You have promised to be a good man," he says, "having enlisted under oath, which is the greatest chain binding you to good judgment… The words of this most honest compact are the same as those of the most base: 'to be burned, to be bound and to be killed by the sword,' from those who loan their strength to the arena.

Seneca was not amiss in comparing the oath of the gladiator with that of the soldier, since the soldier swore to completely obey his officers, the law and the regulations of camp, and to not abandon the standards. He consecrated both himself to the Gods, in the event that he failed to uphold this oath, and also his possessions and family.

Virtue, for both the soldier and the gladiator, was complete, unquestioning devotion, a willingness to suffer any hardship, and to sacrifice one's own life.

The gladiator, by his oath, transforms what had originally been an involuntary act to a voluntary one, and so, at the very moment that he becomes a slave condemned to death, he becomes, in a certain way, a free agent and a man with honor to uphold. The gladiator's oath sheds light on the various dimensions of his status.

As a criminal or slave, he was part of the class of loathed 'infamous' figures, but through his oath he aligned himself with what was noble and virtuous.

His struggles were not cowardly or base.

He was simultaneously the lowest of the low, but by triumphing, he could become the embodiment of excellence.

His success in battle could be equated with the successes of Rome's valued soldiery, while his defeat was the fall of any enemy or some other undesirable.

Moreover, because the oath was taken supposedly willingly and freely, the murder was changed to an act of mutual complicity, a conspiracy between victim and executioner, gladiator and spectator.

The contradictory nature of the gladiator's reputation further illuminates his dual role in the 'sacrifice' of the games. It is not a stretch to suggest that the death of the gladiator, originally a funerary offering for an individual, eventually became analogous to a typical public sacrificial offering, for the benefit of the community.

Just as the games changed over time from rare, private events into grand spectacles with much wider intentions and significance, particularly after being combined with ludi, the gladiator as an offering also increased in scope. More than just an instrument of mediation between men and Gods, this victim absorbed and provided an outlet for, all the internal tensions, feuds, and rivalries pent up within the community, and possessed many of the qualities of a 'scapegoat'.

The gladiator, as either a criminal, slave or other type of 'liminal' being, was perceived as being in opposition to, outside or damaging to ordered society. His death could 'purge' the community of a harmful element. At the same time, his association with meritorious qualities, which aligned him with figures of devotion and 'virtue', made him in a strange way a valuable. The willingness with which he made his oath and faced death further associated him with the willing sacrificial animal victim, who nodded his head in assent.

The victorious gladiator also fulfilled the role of 'sacred executioner', which is a figure who, in instances of human sacrifice, 'slays another person, and as a result is treated as both sacred and accursed'. The sacred executioner is also seen as a figure of guilt who is banished from society, yet carries with him society's gratitude for taking upon himself the burden which would be too heavy for his fellows to bear.

The gladiator, however, was not banished from society, but he was denied the full range of rights guaranteed to other Romans. He was not considered a fully functional member of the community. He did, however, receive the gratitude of the community in their cheers, as he performed as the community's vicarious agent in the execution of the most extraordinary and powerful of sacrifices. His separation from the community allowed them to enjoy all the benefits of his actions, without themselves partaking in, or incurring, the taint of crime. Both through his death and through the action of killing, the gladiator protected and purified the people.

Just as Romulus killed Remus, gladiator killed gladiator, and Rome was safer, stronger, and intact because of it.

Lastly, there is a correspondence between the Games and sacrifice, in the fact that food was often distributed at Games. The distribution of food was not simply an act of benefaction, a means of pacifying an idle plebeian class with "bread and circuses" and thereby gaining popular support. This was a communal meal, a banquet, just as that at the finale of a religious sacrifice. By means of this element, the entire community was unified in a banquet that was a symbolic, acknowledgement of the necessity of death in the continuation of life.

Conclusions

The search for examples of allusion within the Roman Games is ultimately can be fruitful, both in terms of allusion to literature, and in terms of allusion to other customs and rituals, but we have only scratched the surface.

Even in the most simple terms, the comparison between the Funeral Games for Patroklos, and the Roman Games, as well as comparisons to Roman literature, begins to show the munera as a ritual which alluded to other practices and conventions.

What becomes most clear in any sustained examination of the Roman Games is that they were an incredibly complex, complicated development of and amalgamation of various practices and purposes over an extended period of time. Due to their endless intricacies, it seems unlikely that a fully comprehensive account of the Games will ever be composed, but it is clear that the Games are intimately linked to both funerary and sacrificial rituals.

To think of the Games as simply a perverse form of entertainment or as a means of pacifying and manipulating a fickle crowd (the plebs) for political gains does not do justice to the full extent of their history and functions. Given their similarities to public sacrifice, and to the beneficial, unifying qualities of such a practice, the concept of the Games must be expanded and recognize that they included many elements which alluded to the daily, fundamental customs of Roman life. Likewise, the gladiator was a multifaceted figure who performed a variety of roles, and who cannot be defined simply as an entertainer of low or undesirable status. When victorious, he was a sacrificial officiant by proxy, a surrogate military and political competitor and a 'stand-in' mourner. In defeat, he purged the community of undesirable qualities. He was, in many ways, a didactic character, who presented both good and bad examples, and in some ways taught Romans how to be truly Roman.

***

Now you may be asking yourself what has all this to do with our young hero Markos (or is it Marcus?)

Well, you may recall that he was born and brought up in Athens, the son of wealthy Roman parents, and had received a good, if somewhat Greek education, (see Chapter I). Subsequently sold into slavery, his master, Gracchus realized that there was something special about the boy, as he could speak excellent Greek, and Latin (with a Greek accent). Gracchus decided, on the basis of this very odd fact, to provide the boy with a good education, and Markos subsequently spent a great deal of his time in the Villa Auri studying, particularly Greek authors, such as Homer, and Latin authors, such as Cicero, Virgil and Livy. As a result, almost all of the information contained in this chapter has been perfectly familiar to young Markos.

So when he attended the 'munera for Augustus' at the Villa, as Cup Bearer to Gracchus, and visited the Arena with Gracchus, his understanding and appreciation of the events that transpired was very different to that of a person of the 21st Century.

Now if you wish to understand the rest of this story, (and we have only just started), it will be as well for you to bear in mind much of this new information, for Markos, as time passes, will be intimately involved with Gracchus' Amphitheater and Gladiators, and many of the people who will take their place (and in some cases die) on the sand of that arena.

and Marcus' story continues, Marcus become part of the amphitheater team. Eventually, over a year passes…
Marcus grows up, studying under Gracchus' guidance, and spending much of his time at Gracchus' Amphitheater with Petronius.
Then the outside world intrudes, with rumors of unrest, civil war and finally a new Emperor.

XVII. Annus Quattuor Imperatorum, Pars I
17. The Year of the Four Emperors, part 1

It was the morning after the day at the Games. While Markos was helping Glykon at the doors to the palatial villa, one of Gracchus' messenge boys came running up.

"The Dominus wants to see you!" he panted.

The call seemed urgent, if the slave-boy's manner was anything to go by.

"I wonder what he wants this time!" Glykon said with a touch or resignation, and possibly even envy in his voice.

"I've no idea!" Markos replied, truthfully.

No matter how many times Markos spoke to Gracchus, he was always nervous. This was a man who, at the worst, had the power of life of death over all his slaves, and while he was in Gracchus' favour at the moment, he always felt the if he made the slightest mistake, and in particular, said the wrong thing to the wrong person, things could go very badly.

Once again Markos entered the inner sanctum. Quintus was there, in the corner, ready to start scribbling on his cerae (wax tablets), so this was obviously going to be a serious conversation.

Gracchus, as usual, was sat comfortably behind his marble topped desk, surrounded by scrolls.

"Well Markos! What did you think of my amphitheater and the Games yesterday?"

"Wonderful! Dominus!" Markos replied, rather over enthusiastically.

There was an awkward silence.

"I'm not just saying that!" Markos stammered. "I'm not just trying to be polite!"

"I'm glad to hear it, my boy," Gracchus replied, easily, with a slight smile playing on his lips.

Quintus looked up, startled. The phrase 'My boy', had surprised him. He had never heard Gracchus use such an expression to any of his slaves before.

"Would you like to go there again?" Gracchus continued.

"Very much, Dominus!" Markos answered, eagerly.

"And I think that you like young Petronius," Gracchus suggested.

"Very much, Dominus!" Markos replied, again being a little too enthusiastic.

"Well, I have an idea, and you may like it," Gracchus said, rising from his desk, and going over to inspect what Quintus had been writing.

"How would you feel… if your duties as a door keeper ended… and instead, before your studies with your tutors, you went with Petronius to help at the Amphitheatre?" Gracchus suggested.

"I would like that very much, Dominus," Markos replied, smiling broadly.

"Now, as you have seen, our Petronius is no ordinary slave. He is, to a great extent, responsible for the program of events in the arena. Because of your developing knowledge of history and mythology, I feel that you can assist him in staging interesting new tableaux which would present our actors, musicians, dancers, gladiators and wrestlers to our patrons in various new, and exciting ways. The Rape of Ganymede, which you saw yesterday, is an example of what I want presented. Petronius is aware of what I require, but I think that he would appreciate your assistance."

There was a brief pause while Markos took in what Gracchus was telling him, while Gracchus returned to his desk.

"So what do you say?" Gracchus concluded, with a very 'loaded' question.

"I am honoured, Dominus, that you have so much faith in my abilities, and I will try my very best to assist Petronius in every way that I can!" Markos replied, trying to give as dignified and 'grown -up' an answer as possible.

"Then it is settled!" Grachus replied, beaming. "And you shall start tomorrow! And one more thing… If you are to be supervising gladiators, wrestlers and boxers, young though you are, you will have my authority, but you must know what you are talking about. So I will tell Servius to alter your physical training so that you may learn some arena skills."

"Thank you, Dominus!" Markos replied, a little worried as to what Gracchus actually meant by 'arena skills'.

"So remember, my boy, if you need any advice concerning your new duties, don't hesitate to come and see me!"

That was Gracchus' parting shot, and Quintus once again looked startled at the informal manner that Gracchus showed to the young 'slave'.

***

The following morning there was another of those ominous knocks on the door of Markos' cubicula [for more information about this word, go to: Chapter III, and then come back].

Still groggy from sleep, Markos got out of bed and answered the insistent summons. And there was the slave-boy messenger, smiling brightly, as he handed Markos a bulky package wrapped in fine white cloth and tied securely with gold cords.

"A delivery from the Dominus to you!" the young lad said, remarkably respectfully.

Markos thanked the boy, took the package, closed the door, and placed the package on his bed. Markos then sat on his bed, yawning, and untied the cord, and opened the package. Markos sat on his bed, yawning, and untied the cord, and opened the package. Within he founds a gladiator's leather, studded cross-belts, leather, studded wrist guards, anklets, studded, leather gloves, a very skimpy pale blue loincloth, and a beautiful pair of leather braccae (leggings).

Braccae is the Latin term for trousers. The Romans encountered this style of clothing among peoples whom they called Galli. This is often assumed to mean speakers of Celtic languages, though many scholars doubt that the term Galli was primarily based on linguistic affiliation. When the Romans first encountered the braccae, they thought them to be effeminate (Roman men typically wore tunics, which were one-piece outfits terminating at or above the knee). The word is cognate with the English breeches. Arena slaves and some other officials wore braccae to distinguish them from the gladiators and other performers. The braccae were worn mainly because such individuals spent most of their time standing around being inactive. Costly leather braccae were worn by arena slaves to avoid blood (and other efluent) from coming into contact with the legs.

This, presumably was to be Markos' 'get up' for his lessons in arena skills, and presumably the braccae were to be worn for his trips to the Amphitheater to help Petronius.

And then there was another knock on the door. It was, of all people, Petronius, and very early, as the sun was only just rising.

Petronius himself was dressed in black leather braccae, leather cross-belts and leather, studded wrist guards, almost identical to those that Markos had just unwrapped.

"Good morning Markos!" Petronius said, striding into the room.

Markos was alarmed, as Nerva had told him that no one was allowed to enter his room, but then he settled himself, rationalising that Petronius was there on Gracchus instructions.

"Come now, we must be off! Work in the amphitheater starts early. Get those braccae, cross-belts and wrist guards on, and lets go! We'll have a bite to eat on the way."

Markos quickly got dressed, and the pair, practically identically dressed, and looking very formidable, all in black leather, made their way to the main entrance.

Glykon looked very surprised when he saw Markos in his new outfit, but did not pass any comment (he was, like most slaves at the villa, careful about what he said, and to whom) and simply greeted Markos and Petronius with a cheery 'Salve, Good morning'.

Much to Markos surprise, there was a small carriage waiting at the entrance to the villa, he had imagined they would have a long walk to the amphitheater. The rode into Baiae town, which was relatively quiet, as it was still very early, and Petronius ordered the carriage driver to stop at a convenient thermopolium.

In the ancient Roman world, a thermopolium (plural thermopolia), from Greek θερμοπώλιον, i.e. cook-shop, literally 'a place where (something) hot is sold,' was a commercial establishment where it was possible to purchase ready-to-eat food. The forerunner of today's restaurant, the items served at the thermopolia are sometimes compared to modern fast food. A typical thermopolium would consist of a small room with a distinctive masonry counter in the front. Embedded in this counter were earthenware jars (called dolia) used to store dried food like nuts (hot food would have required the dolia to be cleaned out after use, and because they are embedded in the counter, they were not used to store hot food, but rather dried food where cleaning wouldn't be necessary). Fancier thermopolia (like the ones in Baiae) were decorated with tasteful frescoes, often of mythological scenes

"I thought we could have something to eat before we start work," Petronius said as thy got out of the carriage."

They entered the thermopolium, and sat down to ientaculum (breakfast). Petronius ordered some cheese, bread, olives, fish and wine.

(Although both Petronius and Markos were officially slaves, they were dressed, and were now eating in a manner far above that of most plebeians [plebs]. Petronius was given, each day by Gracchus, a purse containing an average Roman workers' weekly wage, for his expenses so, by Roman standards, Petronius was relatively well off. Now that Petronius was responsible for Markos for part of the day, Gracchus would add to Petronius' purse a sufficient amount to cover Markos' possible expenses also.)

While they waited for the food to arrive, Petronius opened the conversation.

"So Marcus, how do you feel about helping at the arena?" Petronius asked.

"Well, when the Dominus makes a suggestion, you do not have much choice," Markos answered, carefully.

At this Petronius grinned.

Petronius had known Gracchus since he was very young, and knew the truth of Markos last remark.

"But, truthfully, I like the idea, and it's a great deal better than greeting old men, at the door of the villa, who come to see the Dominus!" Markos continued.

"Now Markos, the Dominus has great plans for the amphitheater, and if we can come up with some interesting ways of showing off the Dominus' gladiators, then things will look very good for us. So I am relying on you, with all your studying with those fusty old tutors, to come up with some really exciting, exciting stories."

Petronius was looking intently at Markos.

"Think carefully about this Markos, this is our big chance to make a mark, and really get on!"

"Well, Petronius… I have been studying the Illiad, with old Aristarchos, and there is the part about Patroclus and Achilles."

"Sounds good, but how would we show that in the arena?" Petronius asked, starting to look interested.

"Well, if you give me a minute, I will try to work something out," Markos replied, somewhat flustered by Petronius' instant demand.

Petronius reached into the leather pouch hanging from his belt, and brought out a cerae (wax writing tablet), and a small stylus. Markos noticed, and was surprised, as he hadn't realized that Petronius could read or write.

"So, it's like this," Markos began, talking, as he usually did with Petronius, in Greek.

"Although Homer doesn't say it directly, it's generally believed that Achilles and Patroclus were lovers. Patroclus was the eromenos, or pais, and Achilles was the erastēs. Patroclus was the scabard' and Achilles was the 'sword', if you take my meaning.

The word erômenos, or 'beloved' (ἐρώμενος, plural eromenoi), is the masculine form of the present passive participle from erô, the passive or subordinate partner. An erômenos can also be called pais, 'boy'. Both art and other literary references show that the erômenos was at least a teen, with modern age estimates ranging from 13 to 20. Most evidence indicates that to be an eligible erômenos, a youth would be of an age when an aristocrat began his formal military training, that is, from fifteen to seventeen. The erastês himself might only be in his early twenties, and thus the age difference between the two lovers might be negligible.

"This gives us the chance to have a scene in the arena where we have a young slave-boy, playing Patroclus, being fucked, but he must also be 'expendable', as he will be killed later on.

Markos looked to Petronius to see if he reacted to the slang term 'γαμώ' (fuck), a word he had used often with the Athenian street boys, but a word he was uncertain of using in the new environment of Baiae and the villa.

Petronius, however, did not react, but just kept listening intently, so Markos continued.

"Patroclus and Achilles were Greeks, fighting the Trojans. Achilles has an argument with the leader of the Greeks, and refuses to fight the Trojans any more, but that's not important, the important bit is that Patroclus borrows Achilles' armour, in this case probably only his helmet, Corinthian style, that covers his face, and greaves, we'll have him fighting more or less naked, and he gets killed by the Trojans, who think he's Achilles.

A greave (from the greve 'shin, shin armour') is a piece of armour that protects the leg. During Greek antiquity, greaves were mentioned in many texts, including Homer's Iliad.
The Corinthian helmet originated in ancient Greece. It was a helmet made of bronze which covered the entire head and neck, with slits for the eyes and mouth. A large curved projection protected the nape of the neck.

"The Trojans then strip the boy completely naked, and the Greeks and Trojans fight over his body," Markos explained.

"That's excellent. A naked dead boy, and gladiators fighting as Greeks and Trojans!" Petronius interjected, obliviously getting interested, and furiously scribbling on his cerae.

"The Greeks finally get possession of Patroclus' body, and a funeral takes place," Markos continued.

"Like a munera!" Petronius added, enthusiastically.

"Exactly! And then, and this is the good part, twelve Trojan captives and stripped naked and sacrificed, as Patroclus' body is burnt on the funeral pyre, while funeral games are held."

"So… we will need one good looking slave-boy to be fucked and killed, and twelve slaves to be executed, and maybe ten gladiators, five of which will probably be killed," Petronius said, writing down the numbers on his cerae.

"That's quite a lot. I will have to speak to the Dominus to get permission for that to go ahead, but it sounds very good!".

Petronius sat back, looking satisfied, as he continued with his breakfast.

"So, my young masters, are you enjoying your breakfast?" the owner of the thermopolium asked, in an obsequious manner.

He knew that they were slaves, but the were Gracchus' slaves, he could tell that by the expensive silver collars that they were wearing, and Gracchus' senior slaves could provide him with good custom.

"Very good!" Petronius replied, scattering some coins on the table.

He used this thermopolium quite regularly on his way to the amphitheater, and always paid 'over the odds' for his food, and so always got the best food, and the best service.

"Let's go and work out this idea of yours more carefully," Petronius then said, gathering up his cerae and stylus, and rising from the table.

Petronius made for the door, and Markos followed him, into the bright sunshine. By then the streets were filling up. The two boys climbed back into the carriage, and the driver, without being told, continued the journey to the amphitheater.

"Oh, in case I forget, the Dominus told me to make sure that you take off your slave collar before you go into the amphitheater. If you give it to me I will put it in my pouch and look after it for you," Petronius said, holding out his hand.

"And while we are in the amphitheater I am supposed to address you as Iuvenis Dominus (Young Master)."

Markos blinked… "Really!" he exclaimed. "And you don't mind?" Markos asked, puzzled.

"Not at all," Petronius replied, grinning. "I might as well get used to it."

Marcus look shocked.

"Come on now… how can I ever really be Iuvenis Dominus?" Markos asked, thinking that Petronius was 'playing' with him.

"Who knows?" Petronius said off-handedly.

Markos shook his head.

When they arrived, they were greeted with much ceremony by the junior slaves. They immediately went out onto the harenam (arena sand). Petronius then spoke to one of the junior slaves, who hurried off.

"I've told him to bring out some suitable boys who might play the part of Patroclus," Petronius said quietly to Markos.

The slave soon came back with five attractive looking slave-boys, aged from about fifteen to nineteen. They were all stark naked, and stood in a row facing Petronius and Markos.

"These are the boys, Iuvenis Dominus!" Petronius said, deferentially to Markos.

All the boys, who were slaves, were either 'runaways', persistent thieves or were guilty of some sexual crime, and were from the local area. They had, because of the seriousness of their crimes, been given the sentence of damnatus ad arenam (condemned to the arena) by the local magistrates, and consigned to Gracchus' arena. Such a sentence meant that they would, eventually, be killed in the arena. The manner of their death would be in the hands of the arena owner or his agents, in this case Petronius.

One of the boys stood out immediately as he was blond, and very attractive, and about sixteen.

"I think he'll do," Markos said to Petronius, pointing to the lad.

"And we'll need an understudy, Iuvenis Dominus," Petronius added. "In case anything goes wrong."

"Alright!" Markos said. "The boy at the end of the line, on the right.

And now we need our twelve Trojan prisoners. Do we have twelve slaves, damnatus ad arenam? And we don't want any old, fat or bald slaves!" Markos continued, warming to his new task.

"Iuvenis Dominus," Petronius said gently, "There are no old, fat or bald slaves here. The Dominus only has young attractive slaves… But we shall see if we have twelve young men, damnatus ad arenam."

Petronius turned to one of the junior slaves, and sent him off to find the appropriate number of slaves. After a few minutes there were twelve naked, musular young men, all between seventeen and twenty-five, lined up for Markos to inspect.

"That's very good!" Marcus said, walking down the line.

"I never realized that we had so many criminals," he said with a smirk.

Of course, Marcus was only too aware that he too could have ended up in the same situation as the naked young men paraded for his benefit, and he also realized that Fate could still overturn his present fortunate position, and he might end up condemned to the arena, it could happen to any slave.

But he wanted to be a true Roman, and above all he must be seen to be vir, a man, [see the Preface] so his smirk was expected and acceptable.

He could not feel sorry for these men. It was not he, or Petronius, who had condemned them to death, and in using them in an arena presentation, they were only carrying out the legitimate demands of the Roman state.

Post Mortem Attici
Aftermath to the Death of Atticus

Despite the show of nonchalance that Markos had displayed, howsoever, secretly had been troubled by the previous death of Atticus. On the one hand the boy had been responsible for the mutilation and death of Ferox, even making fun of the boy when he personally castrated the lad. However, Ferox had taken part in the Munera freely, and knew that, in the normal course of events, he might have not survive. Regardless, Atticus had deliberately switch swords, thus ensuring that he would survive at the expense of young Ferox. Atticus' eventual death in the arena, however, had been in front of a large audience, and had been deeply humiliating, not to say excruciatingly painful, for the boy.

Anal impaling, an extreme form of rape, and complete emasculation (removal of the penis and the testicles), were the ultimate in humiliating punishments as practised in the arena.
And even more humiliating for Atticus was the fact that during his time in the arena, while he had been naked, he had been fully erect, with his foreskin pulled back, and his prominent glans exposed, (something unacceptable for a Roman male to have happen in public).

Perhaps the worst part of the execution, for it was an execution, simply made to appear like a gladiatorial contest, was the length of time that Atticus was left to suffer while naked and obscenely aroused.
When Marcus asked Petronius about the matter Petronius explained that it had been necessary to deter other slaves from acting in a contrary manner to the master's wishes, and he also pointed out that Atticus had been guilty of many sexual misdemeanour, even before the Munera, which, in most cases, Gracchus had overlooked.

Petronius then took Marcus to the Spoliarium,  in the Ludus Gracchii, and showed Marcus Atticus' corpse. Normally the corpse of a 'shamed' fighter would be disposed of the same day, with no funeral rites (which was also part of the punishment, punishment in this world, and the next). In Atticus case Petronius had ordered the boy to be left on the slab, as he wanted to acustom Marcus the the reality of mutilation and death, close up.

The Spoliarium is an area in the Ludus Gracchii, (the gladiator school and accomodation near the Amphitheater), where the dead bodies of those killed in the arena were taken and laid out on marble slabs to have their bodies stripped and washed, prior to their disposal. If the corpse was wearing armour, or undamaged clothing, these valuable items were returned to to the Armamentarium (the store of weapons and equipment in the Ludus Gracchii). In addition, students of medicine, specifically anatomy, were able to visit the Spoliarium to purchase dead bodies as a way of furthering their studies. Depending on their status, some corpses would be then prepared for a modest funeral, (normally cremation, such as occurred for Durus, Valentius and Ferox, but normally not quite so lavish), while low status individuals (like Atticus) or noxii (condemned criminals) would be disposed of by having their naked corpse  weighted with stones, and thrown into the sea.

Since the previous day, the mutilated corpse of Atticus had been completely stripped, wrist-guards, greaves and of course, the silver slave collar (returned to Gracchus) had been removed.

The naked body of the young, emasculated fighter, however, had been treated quite decently and respectfully, (the arena-slaves were a little uncertain of Atticus' status), and the body had been washed, and carefully laid out on one of the marble slabs in the Spoliarium.

The only signs of bloodshed on the pale corpse were relatively moderate, the bloody stump where Atticus' genitals had been sliced off, and the wound in the boy's throat, where Petronius had 'finished him off'. Atticus' head, however, lolled off the marble slab, his mouth gaped, and his eyes were still open, gazing vacantly and sightless, at the coffered ceiling.

"So what happens to his 'bits'?" Marcus asked, referring to the dead boy's severed genitals, which were lying on the slab beside the naked corpse.

Atticus' penis and testicles, had been sliced off by Petronius with one deft cut. Marcus noticed that now the once large, thick, stiff penis had become small, wrinkled and flaccid, and even Atticus' shaved scrotum looked less bulky.

"His prick and balls will be fed to one of the Amphitheater guard-dogs, it's what we usually do with them. The dogs have a taste for suck bits," Petronius replied, nonchalantly.

"And what happens to him?" Marcus asked.

"The slaves will tie some stones to the ankles, and the body will be thrown off the cliff, in the grounds of the villa, into the sea, food for the fishes, and good riddance to him!" Petronius added, obviously still upset by the death of his friend Ferox.

And so they left Atticus, and that night slaves disposed of the young slave-gladiator's mutilated, naked body.

Reditus ad Villam
Return to the Villa

It was well past mid-morning, and time for Markos to attend to his lessons with his tutor. Petronius escorted him to the waiting carriage. They both got in, as in was Petronius' duty to see that Marcus arrived safely back at the villa. Once in the privacy of the carriage, Petronius handed Marcus his slave collar.

"Don't forget to put this on!" he said with a grin, and so, the Iuvenis Dominus (Young Master) became Markos the slave-boy once again.

Back at the villa Glykon wanted to know what Markos had been 'up to'. Markos explained (carefully) that he had been working with Petronius, and as Petronius was a slave, and so far as Glykon knew, so was Markos, it seemed quite understandable.

Glykon, however, was secretly jealous that his one-time helper was now allowed out of the villa, and was working, even if only for part of the day, in the exciting environment of Gracchus' amphitheater.

Of course, sitting in his tutor's room, surrounded by dusty scrolls, seemd rather dull compared to striding around the harenam (arena sand) as the Iuvenis Dominus, but Markos was smart enough to realize that without his education he was hardly likely to be chosen to help in running the Amphitheater, and that, instead, he would just end up spending all his time opening and closing doors for rich old men, (and occasionally being 'chatted up' by the same old men) like young Glykon.

Markos now paid careful attention to the study sessions where he was taught about the myths and legends of both Rome and Greece, and in the evenings when he went back to his cubiculum, he would make copious notes about those stories which could possibly be used as the setting for various dramatic enactments in the arena.

Meanwhile, Petronius had provided Markos with two sets of 'fighting gear', suitable for use in the arena. It seems that Gracchus had made it clear that Markos would not be allowed to take any responsibility for fights in the arena, unless he had some experience of such fighting.

Of course, Gracchus was adamant that Markos should not be put in any danger, but at the same time he was to learn the art of arena fighting.

Servius had already started some exercises with Markos in the gymnasion at the villa, to increase his strength and co-ordination.

On instructions from Gracchus, Petronius then provided Markos with leather studded wrist guards, gloves, various belts, a loincloth, a helmet a small shield and a gladius (with the cutting edges and point blunted so that Markos could not harm either himself, or anyone else for that matter), which he was allowed to keep at the villa, and use when training with Servius.

Once kitted out as a little gladiator, Markos would spend long afternoons in the gymnasion working with Servius, going through the endless drills that were an essential part of the training of a gladiator.

Not only did this strengthen Markos, physically, but it also improved his concentration, and developed his will-power, as training in such a way was a difficult and unrelenting strain.

As the time went by, Markos' relationship with Servius 'cooled'. That is not to say they were no longer friends, as the daily training, not only gladiatorial, but also in wrestling, boxing and swimming, made them very close, however, as far as any sexual encounters, Servius was obviously nervous, not wanting to cause a problem with Gracchus, as it was now obvious to the young centurion that Markos' status was changing quite dramatically.

Servius was also dimly aware of Markos' attraction to Petronius. Markos, of course, (and in case you haven't been aware of it) had a 'crush' on Petronius, in fact, it had been 'love at first sight' from the evening of the Munera.

Regardless, Servius, was still strongly physically attracted to the handsome boy, and he sometimes found it difficult to resist a physical encounter, particularly when he was coaching the lad in swimming, wrestling and boxing, which all required Markos to be naked.

Markos realised this, but having become involved with Petronius in his work in the arena, Markos had become thoroughly infatuated with the young, handsome, and charming supervisor of the Amphitheatre.

Markos, though, was hesitant to make sexual advances towards Petronius, as he was unsure as to how Petronius would react, and he was not sure of the true nature of the boy's status, or of his own, for that matter.

It should be remembered here that sex between males in Roman society was strictly controlled by differences in age and in status. Male Roman citizens could have sex with slaves, and other 'infamia' (literally, those who had no reputation), preferably if they were quite young.

In Roman culture, infamia (in-, 'not', and fama, 'reputation') was a loss of legal or social standing. As a technical term of Roman law, infamia was an official exclusion from the legal protections enjoyed by a Roman citizen, as imposed by a censor or praetor. More generally, especially during the Republic and Principate, infamia was informal damage to one's esteem or reputation. A person who suffered infamia was an infamis (plural infames).

Infamia was an 'inescapable consequence' for certain professionals, including prostitutes and pimps, entertainers such as actors and dancers, and gladiators. Infames could not, for instance, provide testimony in a court of law. They were liable to corporal punishment, which was usually reserved for slaves. The infamia of entertainers did not exclude them from socializing among the Roman elite, and entertainers who were 'stars', both men and women, sometimes became the lovers of such high-profile figures as the dictator Sulla and Mark Antony.

A passive homosexual who was 'outed' might also be subject to social infamia.

Same age sex was generally not acceptable, and sex with individuals who were older that the citizen who was the penetrator were questionable. It was completely unacceptable for a citizen to be 'penetrated' by either an infamia, or an individual who was older, regardless of status.

With young Cleon, however, there was no problem for Markos.

In the first place, Cleon was about a year younger than Markos but, in addition, Gracchus had previously arranged for Cleon to be 'available' for Markos.

As a result, Markos and Cleon regularly had sex in Markos' cubilicum (with Markos always taking the dominant role, as he was expected to, being a little older.)

This arrangement was quite satisfactory for Markos, as it was definitely much preferable to solitary masturbation, and it did give him an acceptable, and regular outlet for his growing sexual drive.

And Markos had to admit that Cleon was 'cute', and also a very willing and accomplished sexual partner.

De Rebus Politicis
Politics

Every day (remember that Romans did not have weekends, Saturday and Sunday, as we know them, had not been invented), passed with Markos working at the Amphitheatre with Petronius, then going to either his Greek or Latin tutor, followed by a long session until dusk in the gymnasion and the pool with Servius. Every other day he had the company of young Cleon in the evening.

But what had happened to Marcus and Petronius' plan for an arena presentation of the story of Achilles and Patroclus?

Petronius had discussed the topic with Gracchus, and Gracchus had been very interested, especially when he understood that the idea had originated with Marcus.

Then there had been a delay. Whenever Petronius had been bold enough to raise the matter with Gracchus, his master had been preoccupied. There was obviously something else on Gracchus' mind, but Petronius had no idea what it might be.

If it had been a problem about himself or Marcus, or the subject of the presentation he was sure that Gracchus would have discussed it with him.

He could not make any further preparations for the presentation, however, as it would involve the deaths of a considerable number of slaves, and some considerable expenditure if it was to be presented in a suitably grand manner.

So Petronius waited, and Marcus 'sulked'.

Marcus was spending a lot of time learning about the finances of the arena; about buying slaves, about purchasing supplies, and all the equipment and props required for the smooth running of the Amphitheatre, including cleaning and refurbishment.

It was not, however, what Marcus was really interested in, and to make matters worse, the Amphitheatre had been temporarily closed for many months, leaving only the old, dilapidated arena at Cumae for the local residents, as the Amphitheatre at Pompeii was closed by order of the magistrates (for ten years!).

But Gracchus was preoccupied.

Glykon had told Markos about new visitor to the villa, coming to speak to Gracchus. Visitors from Rome, and some were senators, and some were legati!

A legatus (legate) was a general in the Roman army, equivalent to a modern general officer. Being of senatorial rank, his immediate superior was the Proconsul (provincial governor), and he outranked all military tribunes. In order to command an army independently of the Proconsul, legates were required to be of praetorian rank or higher; a legate could be invested with propraetorian imperium (legatus pro praetore) in his own right. Legates received large shares of the army's booty at the end of a successful campaign, which made the position a lucrative one, so it could often attract even distinguished consuls.

Things in the wider world were coming to the villa, and Marcus little arena presentation was taking second or even third place.

'and the story continues – the Emperor – Nero – is dead.
He has no legitimate successor, and various powerful individuals struggle for the 'Imperium'.
The one thing that they all need is money, to pay the legions and the Senate, and Gracchus has money, lots of it!'
And Marcus recieves some amazing news from Gracchus

XVIII: De Morte Neronis
Annus Quattuor Imperatorum, Pars II
18. The Death of Nero
The Year of the Four Emperors, part 2

Nero was a very strange boy! Originally known as Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, Nero, was born on 15 December 37 in Antium, near Rome.

For the reader: this first part of the chapter may seem, to some, a little dull, but it is important to the story to understand the links between Gracchus and the family of Augustus (the Julio-Claudian Dynasty), particularly considering the munera held 'ad Augustum', for Augustus, which featured the bloody death of Ferox, and the 'villainy' of Atticus, but more importantly the veiled criticism of Augustus in the presence of the guests, after the munera. It was because there was no heir to the Julio-Claudian Dynasty that the contents of the oracle of Apollo came to pass, bringing about a year long civil war. It was also because Gracchus came to realize the truthfulness of Apollo's prophecy, that he began to put into practice events that would radically transform the life of young Marcus… Editor.

Skip the background information and continue with the story here

De Gente Neronis
Nero's Family

He was the only son of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Agrippina the Younger, sister of Emperor Caligula. Nero's father, Gnaeus, was the son of Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus (consul 16 BC) and Antonia Major. Gnaeus was thus the grandson of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus (consul 32 BC) and probably Aemilia Lepida on his father's side, and the grandson of (yes) Mark Antony and Octavia Minor on his mother's side, and thus, Nero had as his paternal grandmother Antonia Major, and also claimed more remote descent from Antonia Minor as a great-grandson, later grandson after Claudius adopted him.

Marcus Antonius (M·ANTONIVS, January 14, 83 BC – August 1, 30 BC), was a Roman politician and general who played a critical role in the transformation of the Roman Republic from an oligarchy into the Principate. Antony was a supporter of Julius Caesar. Later he was a Triumvir with Octavian (Augustus) and Lepidus. Finally he was opposed by Octavian, and he committed suicide with the Ptolemaic Queen of Egypt, Cleopatra.

Through Octavia, Nero was the great-nephew of Gracchus' favourite Princeps, Caesar Augustus, the same Augustus for whom Gracchus held a munera. Nero's father had been employed as a praetor, and was a member of Caligula's staff when the latter travelled to the East.

Nero's father was described by Suetonius as a 'murderer' and a 'cheat', who was charged by Emperor Tiberius with treason, adultery and incest. Tiberius died, allowing him to escape these charges. Nero's father died in 39 when Nero was two, which was probably just as well.

Nero's mother was Agrippina the Younger, a great-granddaughter of that Caesar Augustus, and his wife Scribonia, through their daughter Julia the Elder and her husband Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.

Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa (64/62 BC – 12 BC) was a Roman statesman, general and architect. He was a close friend, son-in-law, and lieutenant to Octavian and was responsible for the construction of some of the most notable buildings in the history of Rome and for important military victories, most notably at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC against the forces of Mark Antony and Cleopatra.

Agrippina's father, the renowned Germanicus, was a grandson of Augustus's wife, Livia, on one side and to Mark Antony and Octavia on the other. Germanicus' mother Antonia Minor, was a daughter of Octavia Minor and Mark Antony. Octavia was Augustus' elder sister. Germanicus was also the adopted son of Tiberius.

Agrippina poisoned her second husband Passienus Crispus, so many ancient historians also accuse her of murdering her third husband, the emperor Claudius.

So… quite some family!

De Neronis
Nero

Nero was not expected to become Emperor because his maternal uncle, Caligula, had begun his reign at the age of 24 with enough time to produce his own heir. Nero's mother, Agrippina, lost favour with Caligula and was exiled in 39 after her husband's death. Caligula seized Nero's inheritance, and sent him to be brought up by his less wealthy aunt, Domitia Lepida, who was the mother of the murderous Valeria Messalina, Claudius's third wife.

Caligula, his wife Caesonia and their infant daughter Julia Drusilla were murdered on 24 January 41. These events led Claudius, Caligula's uncle, to become emperor. Claudius allowed Agrippina to return from exile.

In 49 AD, Claudius married a fourth time, to Nero's mother Agrippina, despite her being his niece. To aid Claudius politically, young Nero was adopted in 50, and took the name Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus. Nero was older than his stepbrother Britannicus, and thus became heir to the throne.

Nero was proclaimed an adult in 51 at the age of 14. He was appointed proconsul (?), entered and first addressed the Senate, made joint public appearances with Claudius, and was featured in coinage.

In 53, he married his stepsister Claudia Octavia.

Claudius died in 54 (probably poisoned by Agrippina) and Nero, taking the name Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, was established as Emperor.

As a boy, Nero was brought up by slaves, cooks, barbers and the like while he was supposedly brought up by his aunt, Domitia Lepida, so Nero was not brought up as a Roman boy. From his non-Roman slave mentors he developed a fascination for the less reputable aspects of Hellenistic culture, and also some very odd sexual tastes. The die was cast, and Claudius was undoubtedly too senile, and too much under the influence of Agrippina to realise that Nero was a disaster just waiting to happen.

***

Interestingly, Nero was popular with many in the plebeian classes in Rome, and other cities, particularly in the Greek east.

Undoubtedly his support of the most 'common' and vulgar aspect of the culture of the time endeared him to the people, who seemed able to overlook the fact that he murdered his mother, and his wife, 'married' and adult man (who became his husband), and had cute young Sporus, a slave-boy whom he freed, castrated. Nero subsequently 'married' Sporus, who then took on the role of Nero's young wife. For traditional Romans, like Gracchus, this was unacceptable behaviour for a avergae Roman citizen, let alone an Emperor. And so Nero was declared an 'enemy of the people' by the Senate, (which he was, destroying centuries old Roman traditions, and bankrupting the Empire). Nero's response was to commit suicide, which left a problem, as their was no obvious heir, and so people like Gracchus were caught up in the frantic attempts to find an appropriate way to rule the vast and ungainly Roman Empire.

So this is why people were coming to the villa in Baiae, mainly Senators and Legates.

De Rebus Politicis
Politics

The initial question, of course, was, 'Republic' or 'Principate'?

Many aristocratic traditionalists, like Gracchus, very much favored a return to the much vaunted Republic, after all, it was to restore the Republic that the Liberatores had murdered Gaius Julius Caesar on the Ides of March. However, it was Marcus Antonius and Octavian who had begun the appalling civil war against the Liberatores that had almost destroyed the Roman state, and only ended with the defeat of Anthony, and the establishment of Octavian as Augustus and Princeps.

Princeps, however, is not the same as Emperor. A Princeps is the 'first Citizen', and legally the Republic still exists. The title Emperor (in English) comes from the Latin, Imperator, meaning one who holds Imperium.

Imperium is a Latin word which translates roughly as 'the power to command'. In Rome, different kinds of power or authority were distinguished by different terms. Imperium referred to the ability of an individual to command the military. It is not to be confused with auctoritas or potestas, different and generally inferior types of power in the Roman Republic and Empire. Imperium is primarily used to refer to the power that is wielded, in greater or lesser degree, by an individual to whom it is delegated, the term could also be used with a geographical connotation, designating the territorial limits of that imperium.

After Augustus the rulers of the Roman state no longer referred to themselves as Princeps but rather Imperator, and were, in effect, a 'Royal House', (despite the Roman aversion to kings), passing on the Imperium to their familial heirs.

As a permanent title, imperator was used as a praenomen by Roman emperors, and was taken on accession. After the reign of Tiberius, the act of being proclaimed imperator was transformed into the act of imperial accession. In fact, if a general was acclaimed by his troops as imperator, it would be tantamount to a declaration of rebellion against the ruling emperor. At first the term continued to be used in the Republican sense as a victory title but attached to the de facto monarch and head of state, rather than the actual military commander. In time Imperator became the title of the de facto monarch, pronounced upon (and synonymous with) their assumption.

Gracchus, and many like him, although nostalgic for the Republic, realised, as had Gaius Julius Caesar, and his adopted son Octavian (later known as Augustus), that the empire was too large, complex and unwieldly to be ruled by a Republican government. To such men, a Principate was the obvious answer.

A republican structure, moved and guided by the imperium of a dictator.

So Gracchus hoped to see after the death of Nero, a re-establishment of an 'Augustan Principate', and this was possible, as the Julio-Claudian Dynasty had come to an end (Nero had no heir).

The term Julio-Claudian dynasty refers to the first five Roman emperors, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, and the family to which they belonged. They ruled the Roman Empire from its formation under Augustus in the second half of the 1st century (44/31/27) BC, until AD 68 when the last of the line, Nero, committed suicide. Strangely, no Julio-Claudian ruler was a 'blood descendant' of his immediate predecessor. Although Tiberius and Claudius had potential heirs (grandson Tiberius Gemellus and son Britannicus, respectively) available for the succession, both were, in turn, ultimately succeeded by their great-nephews, Caligula and Nero, respectively

Unfortunately Gracchus was not aware of anyone who could take on the role of Princeps. (And just in case you were thinking that Gracchus could consider himself for the position… a Princeps had to be a military leader, supported by the Legions, and in addition would usually be actively involved in Roman politics, which Gracchus was not. A more subtle reason for Gracchus not putting himself forward as Princeps was the fact that the oracle of Apollo had told him that his time was limited, and therefore his position as Princeps would only put off the time when a long term candidate would need to be found.)

Gracchus, of course, through his complex business and financial interests, had a huge web of clientes (who could act as 'informers'). As a result, couriers were constantly arriving at the villa, and much of the time poor Glykon was at a loss as to what to do, and needed a great deal of help from Terentius, (Gracchus' senior freedman, you met him right at the beginning of the story), in order to distinguish which visitors were worthy of Gracchus' personal attention.

More ominous was the arrival of Legates (military leaders), representatives of various powerful political officials who were attempting to gain the imperium.

Gracchus felt that the sudden, precipitous events surrounding the death of Nero were directly related to the Sibyl's prophecy that had been given to him at Cumae. So far the prophesied four claimants to the Imperium had not appeared distinctly, although there were many -and more than four, struggling for power.

It was in June 68, that the Praetorian Guard prefect, Nymphidius Sabinus, as part of a plot to become emperor himself, incited his men to transfer their loyalty from Nero to Galba.

It wasn't until Octavian's accession as 'Augustus', that the Praetorian Guard, as an institution, was established. In the turmoil of nearly a century of civil war and social strife, Augustus saw the need to establish a body of soldiers explicitly loyal to himself. These guardsmen, unlike other military units, engaged in combat or went on campaign only at the direct behest, or in the company of the Emperor, and the Emperor's family. Their primary role, of course, was the personal protection of the Emperor. Augustus set the number of Praetorian cohorts at nine following his establishment of the Principate. By the reign of Caligula, the number of cohorts had risen to 12; this enlargement may have occurred as early as Tiberius' reign at the behest of his power-hungry Prefect Sejanus, who also consolidated the previously-scattered cohorts at a new walled camp in Rome, the 'Castra Praetoria'. At first each cohort was under the command of an Equestrian rank Tribune, but by the turn of the millennium, Augustus had created the overall command position of the 'Praetorian Praefectus'. The Prefects eventually became incredibly powerful political players themselves.

Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus (c. 35-68) was Praetorian Praefectus during the rule of Emperor Nero from 65 until his death in 68. He shared this office together with Gaius Ophonius Tigellinus, replacing his previous colleague Faenius Rufus. During the second half of the 60s, Nero grew increasingly unpopular with the army, leading to a number of rebellions, which ultimately caused his downfall and suicide in 68. During this time, Nymphidius gradually consolidated his authority over the Praetorians, but to do this he needed to bribe them. To do so, he traveled from Rome to Baiae, where he attempted to gain the support of Gracchus, through their mutual friend, Marcellus. He also attempted to raise a substantial loan through Gracchus, but Gracchus, fearing rightly that Nymphidius himself was planning to become Emperor, and would probably fail, was only prepared to make the Prefect a moderate loan.

However, using the money he had obtained from Gracchus, Nymphidius succeeded in bribing the Praetorians into declaring for Galba during the provincial revolts of 68 A.D., which led to the senatorial rejection of Nero and to his suicide that same year.

No longer content to help others to the throne, Nymphidius then declared that he himself was a legitimate successor to Nero, a claim which he supported with the dubious assertion that he was the illegitimate son of the former emperor Caligula. Probably to further his claim, he also took Nero's favourite young eunuch, Sporus, declaring the boy to be his wife, while Nero's body was still burning at the funeral pyre, and calling the boy Poppaea, in the same manner as Nero. With his limited funds, and vulgar behavior, Nymphidius was killed by his own soldiers.

Gracchus, wisely, made no attempt to recover his loan, content that it would enrich the Praetorians, who finally seemed to have settled the question of the succession. But it was Nymphidius' proposed visit to Gracchus in Baiae that encouraged Gracchus to push matters forward with regard to the prophecy concerning Markos.

Gracchus had already confided his plans with Terentius, arranging for his trusted freedman to begin the drafting of a Will.

Skip the explanation

In order to be able to make a valid Roman will, the Testator must have the Testamentifactio, which term expresses the legal capacity to make a valid will.The testamentifactio was the privilege only of Roman citizens who were patresfamilias (plural of paterfamilias), and was the oldest living male in a household. He had complete control of all family members.

The term is Latin for 'father of the family' or the 'owner of the family estate') so in Rome the making of a will was limited to only certain individuals, such as Gracchus. Originaly, a Roman will was was made in public 'vivâ voce'; all knew of the legator's intentions, the testator declaring his will in the presence of seven witnesses (and perhaps a temple priest); and it could not be changed, nuncupative testaments, however, in the time of our story all testaments were ordered to be in writing. The objective of the will was to secure the perpetuation of the family, which was done by securing the due vesting of the family in a person who could be relied upon to keep up the family rites. The Romans were apt to set aside testaments, as being 'inofficiosa', if they disinherited or totally passed by (without assigning a true and sufficient reason) any child of the testator, Gracchus, however had no children). Patricians of high status would normally lodge a completed and sealed will with the College of the Vestals, in Rome, who would subsequently be responsible for breaking the seals, on the death of the testator, and making the will public.

Pseudo Nero

In addition to the three documented 'Pseudo-Neros', Suetonius refers to imperial edicts forged in the dead Nero's name that encouraged his followers, and promised his imminent return to avenge himself on his enemies. Belief in Nero's survival may be attributed in part to the obscure location of Nero's death, although, according to Suetonius, Galba's freedman, Icelus, claimed that he saw the dead emperor's body, and reported back to his master. Nero was also denied the lavish burial that was accorded to popular emperors, and members of the imperial family, which may have left those plebeians who loved him dissatisfied and suspicious.

Furthermore, he was not buried in the Mausoleum of Augustus with the other Julio-Claudian emperors, but in a tomb on the Pincian Hill at the family burial place of the Domitii Ahenobarbi. The postmortem popularity of Nero among the Roman plebeians inspired them to lay flowers at his tomb.

Another possible source of inspiration for those who impersonated Nero was the circulation of prophecies that predicted he would regain his kingdom in the East. These prophecies have been tied to Nero's natal chart, which has been interpreted as pointing to a loss of his patrimony and its recovery in the East. Tacitus may have been referring to such prophecies in veiled language when he wrote of the rumors that circulated about Nero after his death, which had contributed to the belief that he had survived. Nero also appears more explicitly in this role in some of the books of the Sibylline Oracles. Due to the short-lived success of the Nero impostors, and Nero's incorporation into prophetic literature, the belief in Nero's imminent return lasted for centuries.

Marcus et Rei Publicae
Marcus and Politics

So how was now nearly 17 year old Marcus involved in all of these events? To begin with, the rumour that the Emperor (Nero) was dead quickly spread throughout the villa. It remained a rumour among slaves, however.

Talking politics in Rome, or even Baiae, was not a safe thing to do, even for the rich and powerful, like Gracchus.

It should be remembered that when Gracchus wanted to criticize Nero, he was not prepared to do it directly, but rather made a public event of the deeds of Augustus, in the hope that his influential guests would make a comparison between the deeds of Augustus and those of Nero (see Chapter X)

So while Marcus gossiped and speculated about the death of the Emperor with Glykon and Cleon, and some of the other lower class slaves, he said nothing to his tutors, or to Servius, who was an officer in the Roman Army, or even Petronius, whose status was difficult for Marcus to ascertain.

Then Marcus was summoned to Gracchus' study. Marcus was hoping that it would be news about his joint venture with Petronius to make an arena presentation of the story of Patroclus and Achilles. Instead, Gracchus wanted to talk 'politics', which was, in itself, very, very strange.

"You will doubtless have heard that our Emperor, Nerō Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, is dead."

"Yes Dominus," Marcus replied, not knowing where this conversation could possibly go.

"Strange as it may seem… this relates to our visit to Cumae some time ago."

Marcus didn't know how to respond.

"You know, of course, that a prophecy was given by the God Apollo, on a scroll?" Gracchus continued in a questioning tone.

"Yes, Dominus," Marcus replied, very nervous by then.

"Well… it's about time you read the scroll, as part of it is about you!"

"Me!" Marcus spluttered. "How could it be about me?"

"Exactly!" Gracchus replied, as he handed the shocked boy the scroll.

"Those who have seen the scroll were puzzled also that you should be mentioned, along with great events of state, but that, it seems is the way with the god!"

Marcus held the scroll in trembling hands, and started reading it.

Four shall seek to follow the path of the 'Comet Star',
and three, one fat and two bald, shall fall.
Then from the east shall come a saviour, and peace.
But you, Gracchus, shall be an end in the new beginning -
but not forever, and by your own hand -
for the 'golden boy from the sea', shall bring your name to life once more -
and all your works shall prosper.'

"The Latin, it's so strange. I can barely understand it," he muttered, his eyes fixed on the text.

"Well Novius says it was originally in Oscan,… and to put it briefly, and this is very much the interpretation that Novius gave, and he really knows what he's talking about with such matters, the Emperor will die, there will be four individuals who fight for the Imperium, and one, coming from the East will be successful, and become Emperor. It seems that shortly after all that has happened… my time will be up," Gracchus explained.

"No Dominus…that cannot be!" Marcus cried out, geniunely upset.

"Well I'm not a young man, so it may happen… and I am resigned to it. But then it mentions a 'golden boy from the sea' … and that's you, who will be my heir!"

The final four word sounded like a thunderclap, although Gracchus spoke them softly and gently.

"Your what?" Marcus said incredulously, rising from his seat, and putting the scroll down on Gracchus' marble topped table.

"You will be my heir after I am dead," Gracchus said quietly, as if it were simply an inevitable matter of course.

"You will be the new Dominus, and all that I own, except for a few, small gifts to some of my friends, will become yours. You will have my name, and you will be a Roman citizen, as I truly believe you once were, and not just a freedman, and therefore you will also inherit my clients, of which there are countless hundreds," he continued.

Clientela was not itself a legal contract, though it was supported by law from earliest times. The pressures to uphold one's obligations were primarily moral, founded on the mos maiorum, 'ancestral custom', and the qualities of fides ('trust, reliability') on the part of the patron and the pietas ('dutiful devotion') demonstrated by the client. While the Roman familia ('family', but more broadly the 'household') was the building block of society, interlocking networks of patronage created highly complex social bonds. In the earliest periods, patricians served as patrons; both 'patricius', 'patrician,' and patronus are related to the Latin word pater, 'father', in this sense symbolically, indicating the patriarchal nature of Roman society. An important man demonstrated his prestige or dignitas by the number of clients he had, and Gracchus had very many clients.

"And you will inherit all my property, including this villa, and other villas in Rome, and in Greece. The Amphitheater here will be yours, and all my slaves will become your property, and my freedmen will be expected to serve you." Gracchus paused, while Marcus simply looked stunned.

And then Gracchus quietly continued, on that remarkable, quiet morning.

"And in the future, perhaps you will marry, and have a son, and he will be entitled to inherit all that I will leave to you. And if you do not marry, or like me, you have no son or male relatives, then you can, like me, adopt a suitable boy, as the Divine Julius did with his nephew Octavian."

Gracchus had spoken so gently and quietly to Marcus that there were tears in his eyes, and he was unsure of whether or not he was dreaming. He wouldn't have been surprised to wake up in his nice comfortable bed in his first floor cublicum.

"I'm sorry, Dominus, but I am finding it very hard to believe what you are saying. Why me? What have I done to deserve such and impossibly large and magnificent gift?"

Marcus was obviously distressed, shaking quite noticeably, and with tears running down his cheeks.

Now if you are not familiar with Roman society, and why should you be? you might think that this is all a bit unlikely. A rather talent-less author's way of getting his plot going, and getting his hero out of a rather boring situation. This is not the case, however. In ancient Rome, adoption of boys (boys only) was a fairly common procedure, particularly in the upper patrician class (to which Gracchus belonged). (And in a similar example, capture by pirates, see Chapter I, and being sold into slavery was remarkably common, it even happened to Julius Caesar.) The need for a male heir and the expense of raising children, and the Roman inheritance rules (Falcidia lex) strictly demanding 'legitimes' were strong incentives to have at least one son, but not too many children. Adoption, the obvious solution, also served to cement ties between families, thus fostering and reinforcing alliances. Adoption of girls, however, was much less common. It was every patrician's duty to produce sons to inherit the estate, family name and possible political tradition. Roman families therefore typically restricted their families to three or less children. Sometimes, not having enough children proved to be a wrong choice, as infants could die, and the lack of male births was always a risk (as in the case of Gracchus). Augustus (Octavian), the first emperor of the Roman Empire, is possibly the most famous example of adoption in Rome society.

"For me, you have shown fides and pietas (see above), to your tutors, and centurion Servius, you have shown obsequium (respect), and to the other slaves you have shown friendliness and consideration. In all things you have worked well. But that, dear Marcus, is not the point. You were chosen by the God, and that cannot be questioned!" was Gracchus' answer to young Marcus' impassioned question, 'why'.

"Now enough of this!" Gracchus said, suddenly becoming stern. "If you are to eventually become Dominus, then you need a proper Roman haircut, and not all those boyish curls, so off with you now, to my barber, Terentius will organize it for you, and start looking like a Roman!"

Despite the stern words, there was just the hint of a smile on Gracchus face, as the conversation lurched from the extraordinary to the mundane. The shock of Gracchus' change of tack was good, as it brought Marcus back to reality, with a thump, and got him occupied with something simple, and straightforward, a haircut..

Gracchus' next step was to speak to Marcus' two tutors, Lucius and Aristarchos, his coach, Centurion Servius, and his colleague at the Amphitheater, Petronius. The four men were lined up in front of Gracchus' marble topped table (desks, as such, hadn't been invented yet).

"I have asked you here because I have some important news that each of you needs to know," Gracchus began, in his most formal manner. "Each of you is involved, in various ways, with the young man that you know as Markos. For reasons that do not concern you, I have decided to make this young man my eventual successor and heir."

In the silence that followed, there was an audible gasp.

The tutors looked shocked, Servius looked surprised, but pleased, and Petronius was smiling broadly.

"For this reason, you must redouble you efforts to prepare this young man for his future, onerous role. Lucius, Aristarchos and Petronius, you should also should also remember that in due time Marcus will become your Dominus, however, that fact will not effect your attitude toward him in the intervening time, before his adoption is made public, and I do not want you to discuss this matter with him. Things must continue very much as before until such time as Marcus inherits," Gracchus continued, formally and sternly.

"When the adoption is formally made, young 'Markos' will then be known as Marcus Octavianus Gnaeus Gracchus, and from then on you will refer to him as Iuvenis Dominus (Young Master), until I die, and Marcus inherits, when he will simply become Dominus. I wish now to make it very clear to you that you are to say nothing about this to anyone, under any circumstances. For the three of you who are may slaves, any breach of confidence will incur the harshest of all punishments, and you, Servius, will have to answer to Tribune Marcellus. Now, unless you have any questions, I wish to speak to Centurion Servius separately and, Petronius… I want you to wait, and then come to me when the Centurion leaves."

"Thank you, Dominus," Lucius and Aristarchos mumbled, obviously stunned by the unexpected news.

They were accompanied by Petronius, who took up station outside Gracchus' door.

Servius stood uneasily in front of Gracchus.

"I am very pleased with you, Centurion, and I am sure we can overlook your brief 'fling' with young Marcus on the beach. It was understandable as he is a very handsome young lad. But now things are changing."

"Yes, sir," Servius began, blushing noticeably. "About the times on the beach…," Servius struggled on.

"Enough!" Gracchus replied, wearily. "I have more important things to discuss. Centurion, my time is limited, and when Marcus becomes the new Dominus you will have to decide on your future."

Servius looked puzzled.

"You may, when Marcus becomes Dominus, go back to your position in the Legion, but I feel that Marcus would want you to stay on, not only as his coach, but also as his 'Tribune', dealing with his security. If you were to agree to this, Tribune Marcellus has already agreed that you could be allowed to give up your position in the Legion, with a generous pension, of course. And in your new position, while you would spend most of your time with Marcus, mainly in the villa, and possibly in Rome, you would also be provided with a modest villa here in Baiae, and a 'town house' in Rome. So what do you say?"

Servius looked stunned, "Well… Dominus, I can do nothing else but accept such a wonderful offer, but hopefully this will not happen until many years from now," Servius answered, amazed at Gracchus generosity.

"It will probably happen sooner than any of us expect," Gracchus continued, resignedly. "You may discuss the details of this with my friend, Tribune Marcellus, and when the time comes, Terentius will provide you with all the contracts and deeds that will be required. Now please go, and send in Petronius."

Gracchus was obviously finding the morning quite and ordeal. Petronius entered Gracchus' study, and approached Gracchus warily.

"So… young man, are you pleased for Markos?" Gracchus asked, raising his eyebrows.

"Of course, Dominus, but I don't like all this talk about you dying!" Petronius stated, bluntly. "Who says you're going to die?" Petronius insisted, forgetting for a moment that he was just a slave, even if he was, after Markos, Gracchus' favorite.

"I appreciate what you are saying, and your concern for me, Petronius, but the God Apollo has said that after things are settled, and a new emperor is chosen, then my end will come, and Markos shall follow me. That was in a prophecy, given to me by the Sibyl at Cumae," Gracchus explained.

"Well then, perhaps it would be as well if they didn't choose a new emperor!" Petronius replied, rather foolishly.

"Well that won't happen!" Gracchus answered, sternly. "There will be a new Emperor, and eventually I will die, maybe soon, after the new Emperor is chosen, but regardless, sooner or later, and Markos will become your 'Dominus'. Now you must think about what will happen then. At the moment, in case you haven't noticed, Markos is in love with you, or at least infatuated. So you must think about how you will deal with that, when you become his slave. Or perhaps he will grant you your freedom, who knows, but that could still cause difficulties. My advice Petronius, is to be very careful. Markos had already had his heart broken when he lost his parents, and his freedom. Make sure that you do not break it again!" Gracchus finished more gently, as he could see that Petronius was becoming upset.

"Of course, Dominus. I'm sorry about the way I spoke," Petronius replied, apologetically, looking shamefacedly down at his feet.

"But now I have a job for you," Gracchus said, brightly. "Markos is having his hair cut. Go and see him, take this purse of money, and give it to him, and both of you have a sauna, and a massage, and go down to the sea-front and have a good meal, and hopefully Markos will start to get over this morning's 'news'."

"Of course Dominus, and thank you," Petronius said, smiling once again, at last.

Libertas
Freedom

Once Gracchus had everything in place, as far as he could judge, with regard to his adoption of Marcus, he then considered it politic to introduce Marcus to certain influential individuals in Baiae, and the surrounding area, and also, more importantly in Rome.

Recent events were undoubtedly working in Gracchus' favor, and he took this to be yet another indication of the legitimacy of the Sibylline prophecy. Events were working in his favor in that, rather than laboriously travelling to his villa on the Esquiline Hill in Rome, or going to his villa in Tibur, and then meeting up with various senators and other influential individuals, these people were now coming to him, in Baiae, seeking his advice, seeking his support or looking for loans.

Before the trip to Cumae, just after the convivium and munera, there had been many rumors at the villa about the relationship (supposedly sexual many of the rumors proposed) between Markos and Gracchus.

Subsequently, the rumors had been about the death of the Emperor.

Now, once again, rumors started about Markos (as he was known to most of those who lived at the villa), and the Dominus, Gracchus. How these new rumors started Gracchus had no idea, and he doubted that any of his freedmen, or senior slaves and said anything, but in a place like the villa it was difficult to keep secrets.

The contents of the oracle, given by the Sibyl, however, seemed safe, and that was essential.

What people might wish to think about Markos, at least at this point in time (Gracchus thought) was not particularly important, but if they knew anything about a prophecy regarding the Imperium, that that could mean there would be serious consequences, and some may even have to pay for their indiscretions with their lives.

Gracchus, therefore, decided to let it be known in the villa that Markos had been given his freedom.

That manumission occurred is attested by the many ancient references, both in literature and art, to the presence of freed slaves. Freedom could be granted by the owner but in most cases was actually bought by the slaves themselves, allowing the owner to replenish his workforce. Freedom could be absolute or might be limited and include certain obligations to the former owner such as inheritance rights or the payment of a portion (statuliber) of their earned assets (peculium). The freed slave often took the first two names of their former master, illustrative that manumission was rare, as the family name held great importance in Roman society so that only the most trusted individual would be allowed to 'wear' it. Also, former slaves could become citizens, and even become slave owners themselves.

The act of freeing a slave was called manumissio, from manus, 'hand' (in the sense of holding or possessing something), and missio, the act of releasing. After manumission, a slave who had belonged to a Roman citizen enjoyed not only passive freedom from ownership, but active political freedom (libertas), including the right to vote. A slave who had acquired libertas was known as a libertus ('freed person') in relation to his former master, who was called his or her 'patron' (patronus) so a link still existed. The two had mutual obligations to each other within the traditional 'patronage' network. The terms of his manumission might specify the services a libertus owed. The freeing of the slave was a public ceremony, performed before some sort of public official, usually a magistrate. The owner touched the slave on the head with a staff, and he was free to go. Simpler methods were sometimes used, usually with the owner proclaiming a slave's freedom in front of friends and family, or just a simple invitation to recline with the family at dinner.

Because Gracchus was intending Markos to inherit, as well as become free, Markos' manumission was quite unusual.

A legal document was drawn up, stating that Markos would subsequently (after Gracchus demise) inherit Gracchus' 'clients', and that a normal relationship of patronage did not exist between Markos and Gracchus, but rather a 'familial' relationship. This meant that Markos' manumission was a partial 'adoption'.

Two days after Markos' initial interview with Gracchus about his adoption, Gracchus summoned the local magistrate to the villa, and Markos was declared to be free, and Cives Romani, a full Roman Citizen. This was unusual, but Gracchus' social position (and wealth) allowed him to ensure that all the appropriate documents relating to the matter could be sealed, without any problems, before the magistrate.

In addition, the Will, detailing Marcus adoption and inheritance, (in his new name), had already been sealed, and delivered by Terentius to the Collegium Vestalibus in Rome.

It was usual for a freed slave to take the first two names of his former master. In Markos' case, he was permitted by Gracchus to retain his original name, in Latin (Marcus), and also use the names Octavianus Gnaeus (two of Gracchus names), only taking the name Gracchus when he inherited, on Gracchus' demise (you may notice that now Marcus' second name was that of the great Augustus, Octavian).

Within the complex documentation there was also a stipulation that until Marcus inherited, he would be provided by Gracchus with a regular monthly allowance 800 Sestertius, (which for a teenager was a huge amount of money, an average skilled worker's monthly income was less that 40 Sestertius, Centurion Servius was earning 350 Sestertius).

So, from that day Markos the 'slave' became Marcus Octavianus Gnaeus, the Roman Citizen.

The little ceremony of manumission was brief, and took place in the banqueting hall, where the convivium and munera had been held some time before. Marcus was dressed in a new, pale blue tunic, and Gracchus was in one of his best togas (not that any of his togas were anything other than 'best').

Where the gilded bust of Octavian Augustus had been placed on the dais, there was now a newly sculptured, Roman style bust of Marcus Octavian (complete with Roman haircut), made by the same sculptor who had sculpted Petronius as Apollo.

Aristarchos, Lucius, Agathon, Nerva, Terentius, Quintus (writing everything down for posterity, of course), Centurion Servius Juvenalis (in full uniform), and the slave-boys Glykon, Cleon, Ariston, and Adonios (grinning from ear to ear, as usual), and, of course, Petronius, in the beautiful white and gold robe that he had worn when Gracchus visited the Amphitheater with Marcus.

Novius, the old friend of Gracchus, who had been so invaluable in interpreting the Sibylline oracle, and identifying Marcus as the 'aurea puer ad mare', was also present.

At the end of the ceremony Gracchus removed Marcus' silver slave collar, and gave it to him as a memento, and in addition he gave him a red leather purse containing a token amount of gold sesterces, representing the first monthly allowance of 500 sesterces.

Marcus then kissed Gracchus' right hand.

Calpurnius Flaccus depicts a son kissing the hand of his father, apparently as a sign of respect and deference, similarly Tacitus mentions soldiers kissing the hands of their commanders. It may be from this use of the kiss that is derived the metaphorical use of 'to kiss' meaning 'to praise or express admiration for'. Kissing the hand of a superior was also seen as an act of fealty, from the Latin fidelitas (faithfulness), a pledge of allegiance of one person to another.

Then each of the witnesses came forward and kissed Marcus' hand, the older slaves giving a slight bow, Centurion Servius Juvenalis, smiling broadly, and saluting, and the slave-boys going down on one knee. Significantly, Petronius, who came last, kissed Marcus on the hand, and on both cheeks, and the meaning was not lost on those present.

And there was subsequently a small scale convivium in the hall, with lots of polite talk, some bawdy jokes, and a general sense of a pleasant interlude, much needed in that time of anxiety.

'and the story continues – Marcus is now free – but the crisis in Rome continues.
Marcus meets Nymphidius Sabinus who tries to oust Galba – but Galba becomes Emperor and Nymphidius is killed by the Praetorians.
Marcus and Petronius then organize a ludi to celebrate Galba becoming Emperor – a premature celebration, however.

NEXT PART