Vittorio Carvelli

The Story of Gracchus

Chapters 8-12

VIII. Ganymedes
8. Ganymede

Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artis intulit agresti Latio
Greece, the captive, made her savage victor captive, and brought the arts into rustic Latium

Horace

Quintus Horatius Flaccus (December 8, 65 BC – November 27, 8 BC), also known as Horace, was the leading Roman lyric poet during the time of Augustus (also known as Octavian). The rhetorician Quintillian regarded his 'Odes' as just about the only Latin lyrics worth reading: 'He can be lofty sometimes, yet he is also full of charm and grace, versatile in his figures, and felicitously daring in his choice of words.' Horace also crafted elegant hexameter verses, and caustic iambic poetry ('Epode's). The hexameters are amusing yet serious works, friendly in tone, leading the ancient satirist Persius to comment: 'as his friend laughs, Horace slyly puts his finger on his every fault; once let in, he plays about the heartstrings'. His career coincided with Rome's momentous change from Republic to Empire. (Apparently Gracchus' scribus Quintus had been named after Horace.

The quote above, by this time was well known to Markos, as Lucius, Markos' Latin tutor, was always quoting it to him. It was also a favourite quote of Gnaeus Octavius Gracchus, although, as yet, Markos did not know that. And it a quote worth considering, a it can, in many ways, explain, to some extent, some of the strange anomalies and ironies in the Roman character.

Mane
Morning

The night after Markos' encounter with Servius on the beach, Markos dreamed, the way teenage boys do, of himself, Servius and Cleon, having a 'three-way' sex session on the beach, with himself in the middle, 'jerking off', while Servius fucked his arse-hole, and Cleon fucked his mouth, however, at the point where Markos was about to have his orgasm, he awoke from the discomfort caused by the 'cage' that he was still wearing, which was preventing him from having an erection.

The morning, however, was the morning of his day off from taking his lessons so, after helping Glykon for a short time in the main entrance, he hurried to the consulting room of Agathon, and asked the Greek physician to remove the 'cage' from his penis.

Agathon was quite wiling to do this, and wished Markos 'good luck' with Cleon, little knowing that Markos would have a previous assignation with Servius.

In Officio Gracchi
In the study of Gracchus

Gracchus was sitting at his desk, surrounded by scrolls and wax tablets. There was a quiet tap on the huge double doors of his study.

"Enter!" Gracchus commanded.

One of the slave door-keepers popped his head round the door. "Terentius would like to speak to you, Dominus," he said quietly, almost apologetically.

"Show him in, of course!" Gracchus replied, seeming pleased to have an excuse to take leave of his scrolls for a while.

Terentius entered. "Good morning, Dominus!" he began, respectfully.

"Good morning, Terentius. I hope you are not bringing me a problem."

"No! Not as far as I am aware, Dominus. I have simply come to see you to report on young Markos," Terentius replied.

"Ah, Markos! So how is the boy," Gracchus said, with a smile playing on his lips.

"He is good, Dominus. He works hard at his lessons, and he trains well with young Servius. All is going well," Terentius continued.

"So why do you seem concerned?" Gracchus asked, looking puzzled.

"Not concerned, but I am left wondering."

"About what?" Gracchus asked.

"May I be frank, Dominus?" Terentius asked, obviously unsure of himself.

"Well, you always have been in the past. Not always to my liking, but always you have spoken in by best interests," Gracchus replied.

"Thank you, Dominus," Terentius paused.

"Well, I wonder about the boy. What is he to you that you favour him so? I bought him for you because he was young, good-looking, and more importantly clever, intelligent. You have many handsome slave-boys, and good-looking gladiators, but no one with whom you can share your cultural and intellectual interests. So I bought him for you. But there's something else bout him. Something that I, and others, don't understand."

Gracchus was gazing, almost absently mindedly, at a bust of Virgil. He then starred straight at Terentius.

"Yes, there is something, but it is something that I don't understand either. I feel that the boy has some important part to play. What it is, I cannot say, but I feel that I must prepare him. Hence all the lessons, and the study, and the training."

"I see, Dominus," Terentius answered, realising that his questions were not to be answered, at least in a simple manner.

"But you do well Terentius, and with the boy, I am pleased, and we shall see what transpires, as more time passes."

"Thank you Dominus. May I go now."

"Of course, and tell young Markos that I am pleased with him."

And with that Gracchus returned to his work, and Terentius left the study.

Terentius was still puzzled, but he knew that his master, Gracchus was an erudite and perceptive man, and if he saw some importance in this rather innocent young slave boy, then he, Terentius, should bow to Gracchus' superior judgement. Terentius very much wanted, however, to have a second opinion on the matter, but the only person who might have been able to advise him was Gracchus' oldest and wisest friend, Novius, and Novius was as present in Rome.

Interim
Meanwhile

As soon as Markos was 'uncaged', he rushed down to the gymnasion to meet Servius. Straight away they went to the pool, where Markos ripped off his loincloth to show Servius that he had the 'cage' removed.

After swimming a few lengths of the pool, Markos and Servius went down to the deserted beach. There Servius took off his loincloth, and he two embraced and fell to their knees on the sand, kissing. It was then that Markus' 'rode' on Servius huge, stiff cock, while at the same time jerking himself off, and the two lovers managed to ejaculate at almost the same time. After one more vigorous session, this time face to face, Markos and Servius parted, not wanting to tempt 'fate' by lingering on the beach too long.

Markos then returned to his room, and after about an hour of study there was a knock on the door. It was a slave-boy that Markos had never seen before, saying that Markos was wanted by Gracchus. Now, of course, Markos was terrified that Gracchus had found out about him and Servius, but there was nothing that he could do other than face his lord and master, and make the best of it.

Secundus Occursus cum Gracchum
The Second Meeting with Gracchus

Markos then returned to his room, and after about an hour of study there was a knock on the door. It was a slave boy that Markos had never seen before, saying that Markos was wanted by Gracchus. Now, of course, Markos was terrified that Gracchus had found out about himself and Servius, but there was nothing that he could do other than face his master, and make the best of it.

Once again, Markos walked down the the corridor to where a pair of imposing bronze doors, with gilded panels and decorations in the form of swags of laurel leaves stood, the doors guarded by tall, young slave-boys. As Markos reached the doors the slave-boys opened them, apparently knowing who he was, and expecting him.

There was Gracchus, sitting and looking relaxed, with just the hint of a smile on his lips.

"Hello Markos!" he said gently. "And so we meet again."

"Yes, Dominus," Markos replied nervously.

"I have been receiving lots of reports about you," Gracchus began.

This is it, thought Markos, he knows about me and Servius.

"And they all seem to be good!" Gracchus said, much to Markos' surprise. "Your tutors, and particularly your Greek tutor, what's his name?"

"Aristarchos," Markos interrupted, hopefully helpfully.

"Yes, Aristarchos, he's particularly pleased with your work on Homer. And you look so much better, thanks obviously to Servius. And Servius now says that you can swim properly. This is all very good."

Gracchus paused for a moment, obviously collecting his thoughts.

"I am particularly pleased with the reports of your Aristarchos, regarding your Greek studies because I am what is known as a Philhellene, and I am sure that you, being 'apparently' Greek, and a Greek speaker know the meaning of that word."

And for those readers who are not 'apparently' Greek, and who do not speak Greek, here is some information about that word.
Philhellene ('the admirer of Greeks and everything Greek'), from the Greek φίλος philos 'friend, lover' and ἑλληνισμός Hellenism 'Greek', was an intellectual fashion prominent in the Roman empire among the well educated, male elite, at the period in which our story is set. The literate upper classes of Rome were increasingly Hellenized in their culture, and among Romans the career of Titus Quinctius Flamininus (died 174 BC), who appeared at the Isthmian Games in Corinth in 196 BC and proclaimed the freedom of the Greek states, was fluent in Greek, stood out, according to Livy, as a great admirer of Greek culture; the Greeks hailed him as their liberator. There were however, some Romans during the late Republic, who were distinctly anti-Greek, resenting the increasing influence of Greek culture on Roman life, an example being the Roman Censor, Cato the Elder and also Cato the Younger who lived during the 'Greek invasion' of Rome, but towards the later years of his life he eventually became a Philhellene after his stay in Rhodes. The lyric poet Quintus Horatius Flaccus (recently studied by Markos) was another Philhellene. He is notable for his words, 'Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artis intulit agresti Latio' (Conquered Greece took captive her savage conqueror and brought her arts into rustic Latium), meaning that after the conquest of Greece the defeated Greeks created a cultural hegemony over the Romans. Roman emperors known for their Philhellenism include Nero, Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius

So Markos was left puzzled, not by the word Philhellene, but rather by the word 'apparently'. What, he wondered, did Gracchus mean by that?

But Gracchus went on. "Like the late Emperor Tiberius, who owned a villa, I think it was called the 'Villa Jovis', near here, I love all things Greek, an also, like Tiberius, I am fascinated by Greek mythology."

And where was all this leading? Markos wondered.

"My love of boys, of which you are no doubt aware, is inspired by Greek custom, and the art that I commission is an attempt to bring new life to the Hellenistic ideal. This is why I appointed for you a Greek tutor, as well as a Latin tutor. Many Roman fathers neglect to give their sons a Greek as well as a Latin education, but in your case, you have both Greek and Latin."

Gracchus then looked a little confused, and quickly corrected himself. "Of course, you are simply a slave, not a son, but the same logic applies."

Gracchus cleared his throat, obviously embarrassed.

"So, to get to the point." Gracchus continued, "Tomorrow there is to be a dinner for some of my close friends. There will be mythological re-enactments, and some of the boys will dance, do some gymnastics, and wrestle. I would like you to be there."

"Of course, Dominus," Markos quickly interrupted.

"I wish you, at this dinner, to be my 'cup-bearer'. As you may know, a cup-bearer can be a person of high rank, and it is his duty to serve the drinks at the master's table. In this position, your confidential relations with myself could, in the future, grant you a position of great influence, so remember, the position of cup-bearer is greatly valued, and given to only a select few. You will be like Ganymede, without the abduction and rape of course (Gracchus was smiling), to my Zeus."

Γανυμήδης, Ganymēdēs is a divine hero in Greek Mythology, whose homeland was Troy. He was the son of Tros of Dardania, from whose name 'Troy' was supposed to derive, and of Callirrhoe. His brothers were Ilus and Assaracus. As a boy, he was abducted and raped by Zeus, in the form of an eagle, and then served as cup-bearer in Olympus. Homer describes Ganymede as the most beautiful of all boys. The myth was a model for the Greek social custom of paiderastía, the socially acceptable erotic, and usually sexual relationship between a man and a boy. The Latin form of the name was Catamitus (and also Ganymedes), from which the English word 'catamite' derives.

"I don't know what to say, Dominus," Markos answered.

"Now go and speak to Terentius in the main atrium, and he will give you more information… You may go," Gracchus concludes, with an imperious wave of his hand.

"Thank you Dominus," Markos said respectfully, as the great doors opened and he left the room.

When Markos got back to his own room, after talking to Terentius, he was confused. It was not, however, confusion about what Terentius had said to him. Terentius had simply explained to him, carefully, and in detail, his duties for the next evening as 'cup-bearer'.

It was Gracchus who had confused Markos. He wondered about what Gracchus had meant about 'confidential relations in the future', and why Gracchus should confuse Roman sons with Roman slaves, and how it was that he had referred to Markos as 'apparently Greek'.

To Markos, Gracchus was an enigma.

While Markos was pondering the strangeness of his master Gracchus, there came a soft knock at the door, which sounded to Markos' like Cleon's knock. And it was, and sweet young Cleon was standing at the door, wearing, as usual, only his tiny little white thong.

"Is it alright, me visiting tonight?" he asked, apologetically.

"Of course! Come in!" Markos replied, genuinely pleased to see his cute, young friend.

"So, what's been happening?" Cleon asked.

"Well… I had another interview with Gracchus," Markos replied, thinking it better not to tell Cleon anything about the sex he'd had on the beach with Servius.

"And what?" Cleon prompted.

"Well… he told me that there's going to be a big dinner tomorrow, and he wants me to be cup-bearer. And then he went on a lot about the Greeks, and Ganymede, and how it was a great honor for me, and so on," Markos said, breathlessly.

"Sounds good…," Cleon replied, "but you need to be careful when older guys start talking about Ganymede, it could me something to do with sex. Which reminds me… aren't we supposed to be having some, sex I mean?"

Cleon then pulled off his thong, and plonked himself down on the bed. He was already partly erect, and beckoned Markos over, to join him. Markos smiled, pulled off his own thong, and straddled his eager, young friend. Cleon immediately started playing with Markos' genitals, getting it his young friend's penis nice and erect. He then turned round and lowered himself onto Markos' now huge, and stiff member. Both boys groaned as Markos' thick penis slowly disappeared into Cleon's tight anus.

"That's so fuckin' good!" Markos grunted, as Cleon started jerking up and down.

"Really go for it!" Markos moaned, pushing his hips up as Cleon lowered himself repeatedly.

"I really need to 'cum'!"

After that the conversation stopped, and there was only the sound of the two naked lads panting and grunting, as their exertions became faster and more intense. As he became more 'excited', Cleon grabbed hold of his own penis, which was by the then standing vertically. For a few moments he just held on to the thick, twitching 'rod' tightly, but then he started masturbating, very forcefully, pulling at his swollen shaft, so that his foreskin pulled back and forth over his partially expose glans. All the while there was clear fluid was dribbling from his glans. Eventually his hefty testicles, which had been flopping up and down, pulled up to his hairless crotch, signalling that he was about to reach his orgasm.

"Fuck, Markos I' gonna 'cum'!" he grunted.

"Hold on a moment! I'm nearly there!" Markos pleaded.

"Yes!" Markos then gasped, as Cleon's anus and perinaeum started to convulse, rhythmically, as he squirted out huge ropes of creamy semen.

"Oh fuck!" young Cleon then moaned, at the same time as Markos' hot seed gushed up inside him.

When he'd finished spurting, Cleon then turned round and collapsed onto Markos' gleaming chest, as Markos' penis, still jerking and dribbling semen, flopped out of Cleon's tightening anus.

Iterum Loquacitas
More Talking

"You are really great!" he panted, smothering Markos' chest and face with kisses.

"You too!" Markos answered, somewhat overwhelmed by Cleon's obvious enthusiasm.

The 14 and 13 year old boys, naked and relaxed after their exertions, lay on the bed, gazing up at the ceiling.

"So tell me, Cleon," Markos said dreamily, as he gently caressed his young friend's chest," what's this dinner that Gracchus was talking about going to be like?"

"Well, it depends if it's one of Gracchus' small, private 'parties', or a bigger 'banquet'." Cleon replied.

"The small dinners are more, sort of 'Greek' affairs, like a symposium, a convivium. You know what Gracchus is like with his 'hellenism'. The bigger 'banquets' are more 'Roman'."

In ancient Greece, the symposium (Greek: συμπόσιον symposion, from συμπίνειν sympinein, 'to drink together') was a drinking party. Literary works that describe or take place at a symposium include two Socratic dialogues, Plato's Symposium and Xenophon's Symposium, as well as a number of Greek poems such as the elegies of Theognis of Megara. Symposia are depicted in Greek and Etruscan art that shows similar scenes. The equivalent in Roman society is the Latin convivium. Food and wine were served. Entertainment was provided, and depending on the occasion could include recitations, songs, flute-girls or boys, slaves performing various erotic acts, and even wrestlers and gladiators.

"So will you be there?" Markos asked.

"Yes, I will be serving food and drink to the guests. And maybe later me, and some of the other boys, will be selected by Gracchus for one of the guests, and then the guest can take me off to a cubiculum, and fuck me! Hopefully he will be a nice, young guy!"

Cubicula were small rooms used for a number of different purposes; on the upper story and in the interior of the house they often functioned as bedrooms, while the small rooms off the atrium may have been used for private meetings.

"But the banquets are different, and I think that tomorrow it will be a banquet, as there will be a cup-bearer, you! The banquets can be quite tame affairs, it all depend on who the guests are. If some of the guests are the 'newly rich', rough and ready types, then things can get difficult for us slaves."

Cleon probably means, here, nouveau riche (French: 'new rich'), a term, that is usually derogatory, to describe those whose wealth has been acquired within their own generation, rather than by familial inheritance. The equivalent English term is 'the new rich' or 'new money' (in contrast with "old money"). Towards the end of the reign of the emperor Nero, many 'nouveau riche' Romans fled from Rome to Southern Italy, to avoid Nero's murderous attempts to raise money for the rebuilding of Rome after the Great Fire. Many acquired property around Baiae, which was reckoned as superior to Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Capri for the 'super-rich'. Although Nero had a sumptuous villa at Baiae, he rarely used it towards the end of his reign, and the area was considered relatively safe for the wealthy. Baiae was renowned during the late Republic and early Empire as a center of Hellenistic culture.

"How do you mean?" Markos asked, now getting increasingly curious about Gracchus' symposia and banquets.

"Well… at a symposium, what the Romans call a convivium, us slaves just have to serve food and drink, maybe do some dancing and sing, and later some of us may get fucked, but in private, and that satisfies Gracchus' philhellene friends. But at a cena, a banquet, it's mainly Roman clients, who want Roman entertainments, so they like to see us slave-boys naked, fucking and jerkin'-off, and doing wrestling, that ends up with the loser being fucked, what the plebs call 'fuck-fights'. It's usually the older, stronger lads who win, and then the loser is near enough raped."

At this point Markos started to look concerned.

"Usually, though, Gracchus leaves before things get too vulgar," Cleon added.

While slaves had no status in Roman society as a whole, even they had differing levels of social standing. (Markos, being a favoured slave, had a far higher social standing than a 'kitchen-slave'). In this way, losing a wrestling bout, and then being sexually abused in public, was an ultimately demeaning experience for the slave in question, although it had practically no meaning for the non-slaves who observed the event, other than as a source of some amusement, or maybe 'arousal'.
Plebs, short for plebeians, usually means the ordinary citizens of Rome, as distinguished from the elite. The word is related to the Greek word 'plethos' for 'crowd' or 'common people'. While there were 'nobel plebeians' (novi homines), the term was often used in a derogatory way, referring to the poor and uneducated. Even high status slaves, (like Cleon and more particularly Markos), privately looked down on plebs

"Worst of all, if it's some big festival, then they will have a couple of pairs (or more ) of gladiators fight, and that always ends up with a few being mutilated, raped and killed, and that's messy, 'cause we boys have to clear it up. Fortunately for us, though, the gladiators are likely to be the older slave-boys, that Gracchus usually uses as his 'guards' or are brought over from the Ludus."

"What's the Ludus?" Markos asked, interrupting.

"Oh, didn't you know? Gracchus has his own amphitheatre in Baiae, and the Ludus is where he keeps his gladiators and other fighters."

By now Markos was wide eyed.

"What do you mean, mutilated?" Markos asked, a bit naively.

"They get their 'bits' cut off, you know, their balls, and possibly their cock as well."

Markos looked horrified, remembering what the pirates had done to his father, some months before.

"An' usually the're finished off by being dragged over to a big, gold Krater."

Κρατήρ, krater (from the verb κεράννυμι, keránnymi, 'to mix') is a large vase, which was usually used to mix wine and water.
At a symposium, kraters were placed in the center of the room. They were quite large, so they were not easily portable when filled. Thus, the wine-water mixture would be withdrawn from the krater with other vessels. In Gracchus' banqueting hall, when there were fights, one gold plated krater was reserved to receive the blood of defeated fighters.

"The defeated guy is then made to kneel with his head over the Krater. The winner then grabs hold of the loser's hair, 'cause by now the poor boy's stark naked, and then chops off his head, so all the blood spurts out into the Krater. It's less messy that way. They then hold up the dead boy's head, for the guests to applaud, and what's left of the poor lad's body is dragged out of the room. It's not very nice, but you may get to see it, tomorrow."

"I really hope not!" Markos replied, looking quite worried.

"So how come Gracchus uses his slave-boys as gladiators?" Markos asked, now becoming even more curious about Gracchus.

Cleon explained, "For one thing it's a good way to rid himself of unwanted slaves. Of course he could sell them, but he gets more respect from his clients if he makes a show of getting rid of them, and I think it 'amuses' him, like I said before, he likes to watch. It certainly gets the respect of the other slaves. So when a slave-boy gets older, and is less attractive, if he's not got a special skill that Gracchus values, then he makes way for new and younger boys. You see, Gracchus might be really interested in everything Greek, but he is a Roman, and the one thing that almost all Romans really like is gladiators, and that's how he started making his money."

Cleon settled back on the bed, making himself comfortable, as he got into his story.

"As a very young man, so I'm told, he specialized in buying and selling slaves, muscular, fit young guys, who he sold as gladiators, boxers and wrestlers. Later, when he got some money together, he kept the fighting slaves for himself, and hired them out to arenas, or rich guys who need body-guards, or a bit of 'muscle'. He then got a permit, and built his own, private amphitheater, and had his own ludus (gladiator school). He made so much money out of that, that he was able to buy land, and start up all sorts of other businesses, and became incredibly rich, as you know. Now, of course it's just a hobby of his. He still has a small amphitheater here in Baiae, and he stages 'Games' at regular intervals. Of course, they are not like the 'games' in Rome, or the 'games' run by the magistrates in other towns. Gracchus 'games' are not free, it's only the well off can go, and he also stages Greek style wrestling and boxing, and mythological re-enactments mime, and beast hunts. He also has a permit from the local magistrates to carry out public executions. It's all very Roman!" Cleon exclaimed, yawning and turning over to go to sleep.

Ludi are games, held in conjunction with, or sometimes as the major feature of, Roman religious festivals. They originated with the Etruscans, who staged Munera, a form of 'funeral games', which were fights between pairs of gladiators, ad mortem (to the death). The blood of the gladiator who was killed was offered as a sacrifice to the spirits of the dead.

'and the story continues – the day of the Banquet dawns – and Markos gets to see Gracchus' wrestlers and gladiators for the first time.

IX. Convivium in Villam
9. Banquet at the Villa

The day of the convivium (banquet) dawned.

Called, in general terms, a convivium (or banquet), the Romans also distinguished between specific types of gatherings, such as the epulum (public feast), the cena (dinner, normally eaten in the mid-afternoon), and the comissatio (drinking party). Dinner parties took place in private residences, in which the host entertained a small group of family friends, business associates, and clients. Elite, private banquets, were designed to be a kind of feast for the senses, during which the host strove to impress his guests with extravagant fare, luxurious tableware, and diverse forms of entertainment, all of which were enjoyed in a lavishly adorned setting. A Roman dinner party included three courses: the hors d'oeuvres (gustatio), the main course (mensae primae), and the dessert (mensae secundae). At the Roman banquet, wine was served throughout the meal as an accompaniment to the food.

At the Villa Aurea a banquet required an elaborate table service comprising numerous vessels and utensils that were designed to serve both functional and decorative purposes. The most ostentatious tableware was made of costly materials, such as silver, gold, bronze, or semi-precious stone (such as rock crystal, agate, and onyx). The final component of the banquet was its entertainment, which was designed to delight both the eye and ear. Musical performances often involved the flute and the lyre, as well as singing. Active forms of entertainment could include troupes of acrobats, dancing, gladiatorial fights, mime, pantomime, and even trained animals, such as lions and leopards. There were also more reserved options, such as recitations of poetry (particularly the new Roman epic, Virgil's Aeneid), histories, and dramatic performances. It was normal for the staff and slaves of the house were incorporated into the entertainment: singing cooks performed as they served guests, while young, attractive, slave-boys provided an additional form of visual distraction. At the Villa Aurea each guest (and they were usually only male) was allocated a slave-boy to attend to his needs during the evening, which could include sexual services in one of the cubicula reserved for such purposes.

Markos awoke, and Cleon had already left, as was his usual way.

For a change there was a lot of bustle and noise in the villa, as supplies arrived and rooms were prepared. In the corridor where Markos had his room (cubiculum), there was a lot of activity, as the other cubicula, which were normally empty, were cleaned and prepared. These rooms would have to be ready, in case any of Gracchus' guests wished to have some intimate time alone with the slave-boy that had been allocated to them.

After a quick 'bite' to eat, Markos hurried down to the entrance hall, where Glykon was busy answering the door, sending various individuals with deliveries to the slave's entrance, and explaining to clients (presumably those who had not been invited to the banquet later in the day), that the master was not available until the following day.

"So Markos, you have been given the task of 'cup-bearer', congratulations!" Glykon said cheerfully, between giving instructions the grumpy trades-men.

"And what will you be doing, during the banquet?" Markos asked.

"I will be here as usual, answering the door. Then, later, I will come and help clear the dishes, and maybe watch the gymnastics and wrestling, or gladiators, if Gracchus is having them today. Then, when it's all over, I will see them out, and check that they haven't left anything behind, or, more to the point, that they are not trying to smuggle out any of the table ware, or a cute slave-boy!"

As they were talking, Terentius came over to speak to Markos.

"So, Markos… this is an important day for you. Your first appearance, if you like, in public!".

"Yes, Domine," Markos replied respectfully. "I hope that I am a credit to my master!" he continued, laying it on a bit thick.

"I am sure that you will be, my boy!" Terentius replied in a strangely familiar manner. "Today," he continued, "as it is a special day, you can miss your session with your tutor, and may spend the afternoon with Servius. After that I want you to spend a lot of time in the baths, have a long massage, and instruct the slave to leave a reside of the olive oil on your skin, to give it a darker, gleaming sheen, after all, you must look your best for our guests."

"So excuse me Domine, but why is this a special occasion?" Markos asked.

"Well I'm surprised that a well educated boy like you doesn't know," Terentius replied, looking a little shocked. "It's the birthday of the 'divine' Octavian Augustus."

"I knew his birthday, Domine, but I lost track of time after I left Athens," Markos said, trying to excuse himself.

"Ah, that explains things," Terentius continued.

"Well, your master Gracchus has little interest in politics, as you may realize, which has probably kept him alive all these years, when so many rich men have died, for reasons I am not able, yet, to go into. By living away from Rome, and not running for any public office, he has managed to live quietly, and amass substantial wealth. But he has always had a deep respect for Gaius Octavian, after whom he is named, a self made man, albeit one who inherited a name and wealth."

There had, of course, been four emperors since Augustus had died (Tiberius, Caligula and Claudius and the present emperor, Nero). When Augustus died, however, the Senate unhesitatingly pronounced him divus, the deified one. The deification of Augustus cemented the Princeps' position as not merely one of the greatest men to have ever lived, but as something more; something eternal, ethereal, indissoluble and, literally, supernatural.

Terentius continued, as if he was one of Markos' tutors,

"Today's celebrations will therefore begin with a sacrifices to Mars Ultor, the Divine Augustus, Venus, from whom Gaius Julius Caesar, and by adoption, Gaius Octavian Augustus were descended, Apollo, Augustus' patron god, and of course, Gracchus' own patron deity, Mercury."

Augustus created the cult of Mars Ultor (Mars the Avenger) to mark two occasions: his defeat of the assassins of Caesar at Philippi in 42 BC, and the negotiated return of the Roman battle standards that had been lost to the Parthians at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC.

The Temple of Mars Ultor, dedicated in 2 BC in the center of the Forum of Augustus, gave the god a new place of honor. Some rituals previously conducted within the cult of Capitoline Jupiter were transferred to the new temple, which became the point of departure for magistrates as they left for military campaigns abroad. Augustus required the Senate to meet at the temple when deliberating questions of war and peace. The temple also became the site at which sacrifice was made to conclude the rite of passage of young men assuming the toga virilis ('man's toga'), around age 14.
On various Imperial holidays, Mars Ultor was the first god to receive a sacrifice, followed by the Genius of the emperor. At the Villa Aurea the sacrifice will be an 'intact' (un-castrated) ram. The Temple of Apollo Palatinus (Palatine Apollo) was a temple on the Palatine Hill of Rome, which was first dedicated by Augustus to his patron god Apollo. It was only the second temple in Rome dedicated to the god, after the Temple of Apollo Sosianus.

Terentius continued, "Later, in the festivities, there will be a munera. Three pairs of gladiators will fight, and three will become sacrifices to the 'genius' of the Divine Augustus."

Munus (plural: munera) describes a commemorative sacrificial duty owed the manes of a dead ancestor by his descendants. The Munera was therefore a sacrificium in the strict sense of the word. The presentation of gladiatorial contests, initially at funerals, developed because there was a common Roman belief that "souls of the dead (Manes) were propitiated by sacrifice and human blood…" For this reason, true Munera, unlike the non-religious Ludi, required the gladiators to fight to the death.

In Roman religion, the Di Manes are chthonic deities (relating to or inhabiting the underworld) representing souls of deceased loved ones. They were associated with the Lares, Lemures, Genii', and Di Penates as deities (di) that pertained to domestic, local, and personal cult. They belonged broadly to the category of di inferi, 'those who dwell below', the undifferentiated collective of divine dead. In the case of Augustus, because he had been deified on death, the munera (commemorative sacrificial duty) was dedicated to the genius of the Divine Augustus. In Roman religion, the genius (Latin: plural geniī) is the individual instance of a general divine nature that is present in every individual person, place, or thing. The Greeks called their genii, daemons.

Terentius then gently took Markos' shoulder, and said, "Now I think Glykon is managing here quite well, so before you go off for you training with Servius, if you come with me, I will show you the reception hall where you will be working this evening."

Terentius then took Markos down some very beautifully decorated corridors, which he had not seen before, which ended in set of large, ornate bronze double doors, guarded by two tall slave-boys. The boys smiled and bowed to Terentius, and opened the doors. Markos was amazed at the size of the hall. Like the rest of the Villa, the Reception hall had been designed by the prominent Roman architect, Lucius Severius. Surprisingly, despite his philhellenism, Gracchus had chosen a Roman architect rather that a Greek for his magnificent villa by the sea. The reason, of course, was that Gracchus wanted some large areas, uncluttered with columns. Greek architects, unfortunately had a habit of inserting rows of columns in any large internal space, which was not what Gracchus wanted at all. So Gracchus had chosen an architect who was a master at creating magnificent spaces using concrete.

The Reception Hall was large enough to accommodate over one hundred people, and had no internal columns, as it was roofed with a coffered, concrete barrel vault. The vault was finished in white stucco, with plaster ornamentation finished with gold leaf. The doors to the hall were masterpieces, cast in bronze, enormously heavy, and then lacquered, and ornamented with the most tasteful gilded decoration, which included Gracchus' monogram on each door. All the walls of the hall were veneered in the most expensive off-white, veined Greek marble. And the floor was finished in marble mosaic, polished with olive oil.

As he had approached the huge bronze doors Markos had heard the muffled sound of wood smacking against wood. Markos was puzzled, but soon he was able to understand. As the doors were swung open by the tall slave-boys, he not only saw the magnificent hall, but also two practically naked, teenage slave boys, sparring with wooden swords, in the centrer of the mosaic floor.

"The fair-haired boy is Pretonius. He was the Dominus' maximus gladiator (star gladiator), but now he supervises the ludus and the arena, and only takes part in private 'exhibition' combats." Terentius explained.

Apart from the usual silver slave collars, each boy was only wearing a leather thong, leather wrist guards and gloves.

"These boys are preparing for tonight's munera," Terentius explained.

As Markos watched them, he wondered which one of them would be dead before the end of the night.

When the sparring boys saw Terentius enter the hall with a young slave-boy (Markos), they respectfully stopped their training,and bowed to Terentius.

"Salve, Domine!" they both said in unison.

"Salve! And salve Petronius," Terentius replied, giving his special attention to the blond boy. "I trust that you would put on a good display this evening."

"It will be an honour for us!" the older, and slightly taller boy replied, who Terentius had identified as Petronius.

Terentius nodded in acknowledgement, and then turned to Markos.

"There, at the end of the hall, on the dais, the slaves have already set a gilded bust of the Divine Augustus. When the celebrations begin, a couch and a table, where your lord will sit, will be placed in front of the bust, and it is there that you will serve him during the feast."

Terentius and Markos then turned to leave the reception hall. As Markos reached the door, he turned and looked back, and noticed that Petronius was watching him intently, and smiling.

As they moved into the corridor, they could hear once again, the noise of the two boys vigorously sparring with their wooden swords. Terentius then took Markos to his study, and went over some final details regarding the events at the banquets. He then dismissed Markos, who went off to have some midday food, before going to the gymnasion to train with Servius.

In Piscinam
At the pool

Terentius then dismissed Markos, who went off to have some midday food, before going to the gymnasion to train with Servius. Servius was waiting for Markos, as usual, in the gymnasion. They swam in the pool and did some stretching exercises.

"So are you going to this banquet tonight?" Markos asked, trying to be casual.

"Well, I'm obliged to. You see I have to come as Tribune Marcellus' side-kick. It was the tribune who got me this rather nice duty," Servius said, smiling at Markos, and ruffling his hair.

"Presumably you will be there, on duty, perhaps?" Servius continued, obviously eager to know if he would see Markos that evening.

"Yes," Markos replied, a little wearily. "It's all a bit weird," he continued. "Gracchus saw me and said that he wanted me to be his 'cup-bearer'. Then he went on about Ganymede and Jupiter. He says that being 'cup-bearer' is and important position, but as far as I can see I'm just going to be a glorified 'waiter'."

"Not quite," Servius interrupted. "It is a special position, and will show to everyone that he holds you in high regard, although I think that most people round here know that already."

"Well what worries me is that, from what I've been told about Jupiter and Ganymede, I might end up having to sleep with him tonight!" Markos said, rather despondently.

"I don't think so," Servius said very slowly. "I don't think he thinks of you like that at all."

"Then what's he playing at?" Markos asked petulantly.

"I think that he's just trying to raise your profile. You're a very clever boy, and I think he's got some plan for you. I don't know what it is, but if he just wanted you as a 'catamite', I think he would have 'had' you, right at the beginning," Servius thoughtful replied.

"Well, I hope you're right. But I have to go now, 'cause Terentius wants me to take some time getting ready, so… see you tonight!"

And with that, Markos, still looking concerned, left for his room.

In Convivium
At the Banquet

Roman banquets usually start in the late afternoon (what we would call 5pm), and go on until when-ever… in fact, Roman banquets sometimes lasted for 10 hours.

Starters might involve cheese, olives, eggs, mushrooms, sausages, and other finger foods; after that would come a selection of legumes, boiled or pickled vegetables, stewed greens, or salads (which were quite dense and mushy, not a side salad). The main course would consist of meat, usually pork, boiled or roasted and served with a dizzying array of sauces; and as for seafood, the Romans ate just about anything they could pull out of the ocean. They also ate poultry and fowl, game like deer and rabbits, and goats or sheep if they were plentiful (if not, they'd be saved for non-food purposes, which is why the Romans almost never ate beef). Bread was present throughout the meal, and all courses included a variety of condiments, the most popular being olive oil, vinegar, and a fish sauce called garum. Romans were enormously fond of sauces and seasonings, as well as chutneys, relishes, dips, and spreads. The beverage of choice was wine diluted with water or fruit juice; flavored wines were popular, as were mixed punches and herbal tisanes. Desserts were based on fruits, nuts, cheese, honey, and baked goods, all served with warm spiced wine. (Incidentally, Romans did not make a habit of vomiting up food to make room for more, and the so-called vomitarium is in fact the Latin name for an exit in an amphitheater, these are Christian attempts to make the 'pagans' appear thoroughly unpleasant).

Having changed into a new white, Greek Style tunic, Markos went to see Terentius before entering the Aula Convivii (the Banqueting Hall).

There he met the two slave-boys who would assist him in serving Gracchus, Ανδώνιος (Adonios) and Ἀρίστων (Ariston). Being both about 12 year old , junior to Markos, the two boys were dressed in only a white loincloth, and white leggings. In addition to Markos' new Greek-style tunic, Terentius had further indicators of Markos' new status. These consisted of a gold filigree headband, and two woven bracelets, with gold filigree clasps.

"These are gifts from your master, Gracchus, in recognition of the progress that you have made in your studies and your training. You are permitted to wear them on all formal occasions within the villa."

Markos was surprised, but also very pleased.

"Please thank my master!" he replied respectfully.

"There will be no need," Terentius said, "as you may thank him yourself at the convivium, later."

Adonios and Ariston seemed non too pleased to have their positions taken over by a usurper, a new slave who had only recently arrived at the villa. As Markos was later to learn, Ariston was a particular favourite of Gracchus, despite being a surly looking boy, and it was rumoured that the relationship between Gracchus and Ariston was more than just 'master and slave'. Adonios, although not Gracchus' favourite, doted on his master, looking to him as some kind of substitute father, and Gracchus indulged the boy, who not only had cute looks, but also a sweet, endearing character. Not surprisingly, it was it was Adonios who gave Markos help and advice as he tried to perform his duties during this, his first convivium.

And so Gracchus finally arrives at the convivium, accompanied by two guards, a pair of slave-boys, and Markos, his 'cup-bearer'. Previously, Gracchus had made a sacrifice to his patron God, Hermes, in the permanent shrine situated in the main atrium of the Villa Aurea.

Hermes (Mercury in the Roman Religion), Messenger of the Gods, transgressor of boundaries and taboos, God of mysteries, bringer of sleep, dreams, and visions, Psychopompos (guide of the dead), patron of herdsmen and heralds, God of Luck and Unexpected Fortune, God of translation and language, God of gymnasia and athletic youth, God of logos, or world order, God of trade and commodities.

Meanwhile, some local priests, who were also clients of Gracchus made sacrifices to the three main deities to be honored at the feast (convivium). Those deities, (as has already been mentioned), were Mars Ultor, Venus and the Divine Augustus. The sacrifices were made in one of the peristyles of the villa, where temporary plinths had been set up to take the three statues of the deities. The priests, and some of the more pious guests then returned to the banqueting hall.

Markos, who's place was just behind Gracchus, ready to serve him, was suprised that Gracchus did not recline, like the other guests, but apparently he found such a posture too undignified for a person his his status, and preferred to 'sit' in what was almost 'imperial state' on a vast, throne like couch of heavily gilded, ebonized wood.

The other strange fact that Markos noticed was that no one else sat anywhere near Gracchus, so it seemed a rather lonely banquet for Markos' 'lord and master'.

Terentius, of course, was there, and brought up various guests to greet Gracchus, and among the guests was the Tribune Marcellus, and his young companion, Servius, looking very smart in very fine 'parade armour'.

First the gustatio (hors d’oeuvres) was served, (Markos noticed that Cleon was one of the boys serving the food), followed by the mensae primae (main course) and while the guests, who all seemed to know one another, chatted, there was an accompaniment on the κιθάρα (Cithara) played by a particularly attractive older slave-boy wearing a white silk χιτών (khitōn), the Doric Chiton, which the Romans called a tunica, a Greek style of dress, favoured by Gracchus for his boys.

The cithara or kithara was a professional version of the two-stringed lyre. As opposed to the simpler lyre, which was a folk-instrument, the kithara was primarily used by professional musicians, called kitharodes. The kithara's origins are likely Asiatic. The kithara had a deep, wooden sounding box composed of two resonating tables, either flat or slightly arched, connected by ribs or sides of equal width. At the top, its strings were knotted around the crossbar or yoke (zugon) or to rings threaded over the bar, or wound around pegs. The other end of the strings was secured to a tail-piece after passing over a flat bridge, or the tail-piece and bridge were combined. Most vase paintings show kitharas with seven strings, in agreement with ancient authors, but these also mention that occasionally a skilful kitharode would use more than the conventional seven strings.

On finishing the gustatio, the guests were then served with mensae secundae (dessert).

Once all the guests had had their fill, they settled back and started to pick at the various bowls of 'finger food', which Gracchus' young slave-boys brought round. Occasionally a guest would take a liking to one of the boys, and would suggest that the lad shared his couch, and in some cases this 'sharing' lasted the rest of the evening.

Early on Markos noticed that his young boy-friend, Cleon, had been quickly 'picked up' by a rather older man, whom Markos recognized as a regular morning visitor to the villa, one of Gracchus' long term 'clients', and Markos was somewhat relieved that all he had to do was to see that Gracchus's wine cup was kept filled, and that there were always tender morsels available for him to eat.

Once the guests were relaxed and chatting it was time for some entertainment. The first diversion was a number of young slave-boys who performed some artis gymnasticae, a Latin euphemism for erotic, and often blatantly sexual 'dancing'.

As the name suggests, (gymnazein, to exercise naked) the boys performed completely nude. The boys had been carefully trained by Gracchus' coaches, and were able to put on a show that was not only very skillful and athletic, but was also intensely erotic.

The eroticism, of course was facilitated by the fact that the boys were nude.

Agathon (Gracchus 'in-house' Greek physician) also enabled the boys to perform erotically by providing them with a mixture of a red-leafed root in the orchid family' called, appropriately, 'Satyrion', combined with the juice of an exotic tuber called 'Skirret', which together formed a powerful aphrodisiac.

In Greek mythology, a satyr, σάτυρος (satyros) is one of a group of ithyphallic male companions of Dionysus often displaying permanent erections. In Roman Mythology there is a concept similar to satyrs, the faun. In classical drama there is a form known as the 'Satyr Play', which was usually a short, light-hearted drama performed in Athenian festivals honouring Dionysus. Roman fauns were conflated in the popular and poetic imagination with Latin spirits of woodland, and with the rustic Greek god Pan.

More prosaically, most of the boys were fitted with silver rings, which were worn round the base of the penis, behind the scrotum, and which constricted the flow of blood from the penis, thus ensuring a strong and long lasting erection.

One of the most startling performances on this particular evening was one involving a young slave-boy in and act of auto-fellatio. This was about as immodest and salacious as one could get in Roman terms.

In Ancient Rome, fellatio was considered profoundly taboo. As was explained in the preface, sexual acts were generally seen through the prism of 'submission' and 'control'. This is apparent in the two Latin words for the act: irrumare (to penetrate orally), and fellare (to be penetrated orally, from which is derived the term fellatio). Under this system, it was considered to be abhorrent for a male to perform fellatio, since that would mean that he was penetrated (controlled), whereas receiving fellatio from a woman or another man or boy of lower social status (such as a slave) would not be considered humiliating. The Romans regarded oral sex as being far more shameful than, for example, anal sex, and known practitioners were supposed to have foul breath, and were often unwelcome as guests at a dinner table.

All this was well understood by the guests, but the act of auto-fellatio was not only an obvious form of 'self-abuse' (and extreme form of masturbation), but was also a remarkable feat of flexibility and self control, and boys who could perform in that way had to be trained to do so from an early age.

The Latin term masturbari was only one among half a dozen terms that Romans used for the act. Originally it meant only to 'rub by hand' or to 'agitate', without negative connotations. Over time, however, the term gained associations of disturbance and defilement. Some authors came to associate the term with 'manus sinistra', meaning the left hand, indicating uncleanliness, since the Romans linked the left hand with elimination functions. Masturbation in itself was not considered to be bad, but was, however, associated with male slaves, as male teenage Roman citizens had a concubinus (slave-boy), and adult Roman citizens had wives, prostitutes (male and female), slave-boys and slave-girls.

The slave-boy on the night of the banquet who demonstrated auto-fellatio to the guests as part of the erotic gymnastic performance was assisted by the insertion of an extremely large dildo in his anus, and by wearing a tight silver penis ring behind his scrotum, and another, smaller silver ring behind his 'glans' (Latin for 'acorn').

The final result was that the boy released his 'member' at the moment of ejaculation, and swallowed the greater part of his semen, much to the amusement of the guests.

Markos watched all this with a certain amount of fascination.

Interestingly, the English word, fascination, derives directly from the Latin, fascinus, which in ancient Roman religion and Roman magic, was the embodiment of the divine phallus (erect penis), (the word derives also from Latin related verb fascinare, 'to use the power of the fascinus').

The Vestal Virgins tended the cult of the fascinus populi Romani, the sacred image of the phallus that was one of the tokens of the safety of the state (sacra Romana). It was thus associated with the Palladium.

As a divinized phallus, the god 'Fascinus' shared attributes with the imported Greek god 'Priapus'. In Greek mythology, Priapus (Πρίαπος, Priapos) was a fertility god, protector of livestock, fruit plants, gardens and male genitalia. Priapus was described as the son of Aphrodite by Dionysus. Priapus is marked by his oversized, permanent erection, which gave rise to the medical term priapism. He became a popular figure in Roman erotic art and Latin literature. He features strongly in the 'novel' by Petronius The Satyricon.
Phallic charms, were ubiquitous in Roman culture, from jewelry to bells and wind chimes to lamps and graffiti.

Like almost all Roman boys of his age, Markos was very familiar with masturbation, and since entering the Villa Aurea, he had had sexual experiences with Cleon and Servius. Something like fellatio, and even more surprisingly, 'auto-fellatio', however, were beyond his experience. Finally, however, the slave-boy gymnasts came to the end of their performance with a fitting finale from two particularly attractive youngsters.

Meanwhile, Gracchus' teenage gladiators were being prepared by slave-boys, supervised by Petronius, in the nearby coluisse locus, or more accurately apodyterium (locker-rooms or dressing-rooms), for the coming munera.

Petronius is a teenage Greek slave, (named by Gracchus 'Pretonius', a Latin name, meaning 'of the countryside' or 'rural', because the boy originally came from Arcadia, Yes it's a real place, in the Peloponnese).
He is, not surprisingly, a favorite of Gracchus, (mainly for his looks and physique, being a rather unsophisticated 'yokel'), and it is presumed that he will be matched against a poor fighter, as Gracchus will not want to lose a remarkably attractive slave-boy.

It should be noted that many of the contests arranged by Gracchus were, what we would now consider, 'rigged'.
This was in some cases for personal reasons (as in this case), or for ritual reasons, if the contest was part of a munera, or because the contest was presented as a 'dramatic enactment', 'good' against 'evil' or such-like).

'and the story continues – after the boy gymnasts there is a short pause in the festivities before the start of the munera – and it is here that Markos learns of Gracchus' intense interest in Gladiators.

X. Munera ad Augustum
10. The Munera for Augustus

Augustus will "again set up the Golden Age amid the fields where Saturn once reigned, and shall spread his empire to a land that lies beyond the stars, and beyond the paths of the year the sun and the glittering stars." Virgil – (The Aeneid).

Panting and sweating, the slave-boy gymnasts lined up in front of the far end of the hall, where Gracchus sat, surrounded by his two guards, his slave-boy attendants and Markos. The young, nude gymnasts bowed, received a desultory wave from Gracchus, and some polite applause from the guests. Gracchus then turned to Markos.

"Come!" he said, "I need to stretch my legs."

Markos put down the ornate, gilded wine jug, and followed his master. As Gracchus rose from his seat, the other guests rose, as a sign of respect. Gracchus then left the hall by a carefully concealed side-door, located by one of the large marble pillars, with Markos dutifully following. The door led into yet another one of those secretive corridors, the existence of which was totally unknown the Markos, and perhaps to many others, who daily worked in the vast, opulent, labyrinthine villa. The corridor led to another door. Gracchus opened it, and strode in.

Surprisingly, for Markos, the room was an apodyterium (changing room), in this case reserved for the young gladiators who were to take part in the Munera. The room contained six young gladiators, plus a number of slaves who were attending to them. One of the boys was having oil rubbed into his shoulders and chest, while two others were having leather body harnesses buckled and adjusted. Two of the lads, including the boys being oiled, were stark naked. The other boys already had on brief thongs, along with arm-guards, and all wore Gracchus' silver slave collars, they were all Gracchus' boys.

As soon as Gracchus entered all the boys stopped talking, stopped their preparation, and bowed their heads in recognition of their master's presence.

"Boys–" Gracchus began, very formally. "In a few moments you will be taking part in a munera. Please bear in mind that this is not simply a combat, but a religious duty, a duty for the well being of the genius of the Divine Augustus, whose birthday we celebrate today. Fight well, and fight hard. If you are defeated, then take it as the will of the gods, and offer yourself manfully and willingly. Sacrifice your manhood and your blood with dignity, as befits the fact that, regardless of your origins, or the fact that you are slaves - when you come to be sacrificed, you represent the best of Rome, the Empire and the Roman People."

In response the six bustuarii (the ancient term for the fighters in a munera, from the Latin bustum, meaning 'tomb' or a 'funeral pyre') all saluted Gracchus.

Now it must be remembered here, that the rhetoric about 'offering yourself manfully and willingly', is usually found in Roman dissertations on the morally uplifting aspects of gladiatorial combat. Interestingly, as there is only one written account of a genuine gladiatorial contest in the whole of Latin literature, it is more than likely that fighters rarely 'offered themselves manfully and willingly', having been defeated, and would quite naturally plead and cry for mercy before being mutilated and 'finished off'. And this is, of course what happened in the munera, and usually happened in Gracchus' arena, despite all the fine words and sentiment.

After giving his brief 'pep' talk to the 'bustuarii', Gracchus then took Petronus to one side for a few private words.

The Origins of the Munera

The munera gladiatoria originated with their Campanian (southern) or Etruscan (northern) neighbours. The usual explanation for the Munera was that it was an Etruscan custom of making human sacrifices to celebrate the death of a nobleman, in order to appease the spirit of the dead. The theory of the Romans adopting the munera gladiatoria from their Etruscan neighbour seems eminently credible because of the evidence and information supporting it, and it is the origin which was believed by the Romans themselves. For example, although there are representations of bloody combat from both Etruria and Campania, the physical remains from Etruria exist earlier by a century or more.

Campania was colonised by Ancient Greeks and was part of Magna Græcia. During the Roman era, the area maintained a Greco-Roman culture. Campania is rich in culture, especially in regard to gastronomy, music, architecture, and boasts such towns as Pompeii, Herculaneum, Paestum and Velia, and of course Baiae (the site of Gracchus' villa), and Cumae. The name of Campania itself is derived from Latin, as the Romans knew the region as Campania felix, which translates into English as 'fertile countryside'.

In addition, when the surviving written records from the Roman period mention early munera they are given an Etruscan flavour. Furthermore, a slain gladiator was removed from the fighting area by a man dressed as the Etruscan death-demon 'Charon'. Also, the Romans imported their ideas of the afterlife from Etruria. Finally, it has been ascertained that the Latin word for a trainer of gladiator is derived from the Etruscan language.

The justification for the munera, it appears, was that combat served a more positive function than direct human sacrifice that had been practice in the past. Even though killing still occurred, at least the victor came out of the ritual alive. The munera, therefore were at first a part of religion and magic, though later on these features became less apparent and were almost forgotten, as the munera was transformed into the Roman ludi (Gladiatorial Games).

The Munera of Gracchus

Here at the Villa Aurea, Gracchus had re-instated a true munera, dedicated to the deceased Emperor, the Divine Augustus. In order to provide 'authenticity' to the re-enactment of an ancient custom, Gracchus had employed the services of his old friend, Novius (we will meet with Novius later, when he helps to solve the mystery of the prophecy of the Sibyl). Novius claimed descent from the ancient Etruscan priesthood, and was learned in Etruscan ritual, and an expert on the Ertruscan and Oscan languages.

Etruscan was the spoken and written language of the Etruscan civilization, in Italy, in the ancient region of Etruria (modern Tuscany plus western Umbria and northern Latium) and in parts of Campania, Lombardy, Veneto, and Emilia-Romagna (where the Etruscans were displaced by Gauls). Etruscan influenced Latin, but was eventually completely superseded by it. Attested from 700 BC to AD 50, the language is not related to any living language; attempts to classify its origins and relations have continued for centuries. Grammatically, the language is agglutinating, with nouns and verbs showing suffixed inflectional endings and ablaut in some cases. Etruscan religion influenced that of the Romans and many of the few surviving Etruscan language artifacts are of votive or religious significance. Etruscan was written in an alphabet derived from the Greek alphabet; this alphabet was the source of the Latin alphabet. The Etruscan language is also believed to be the source of certain important cultural words of Western Europe such as 'military' and 'people', which do not have obvious Indo-European roots.

As with the ancient form of munera, at the end of each fight the loser would be sacrificed over the gilded bronze krater set by the steps at the far end of the banqueting hall.

According to many scholars ancient ceramic kraters (large pots, normally intended for mixing wine) imitated shapes designed originally for metal. Among the largest and most famous metal kraters in antiquity were one in the possession of the Samian tyrant Polycrates, and another one dedicated by Croesus to the Delphic oracle. Their main production centres were Sparta, Argos and Corinth, in Peloponnesus. The Vix bronze crater, found in a Celtic tomb in central France is the largest known Greek krater, being 1.63 m [5'4"] in height and over 200 kg [450 lbs] in weight. The use of bronze kraters was introduced into Italy by the Etruscans, and formed an essential part of sacrificial ritual. In Imperial times (when our story is set) patricians would often have bronze kraters gilded.

Sacrifice to deities of the heavens (di superi, 'gods above') required white, infertile victims of their own sex: Juno a white heifer (possibly a white cow); Jupiter a white, castrated ox (bos mas), however, Di superi, with strong connections to the earth, such as Mars, Janus, Neptune, were offered fertile victims. For this reason, a sacrifice to the 'Divine Augustus', being Di superi, required that a losing fighter be castrated before his blood was spilled into the sacrificial krater.

The munera that Gracchus was celebrating was a revival of a mos maiorum, and 'ancestral custom'. The 'customs of the ancestors' was and aspect of Roman culture which was of particular concern to Gracchus, for he felt that the neglect of such customs had been a contributing factor to what he saw as the recent the decline of the Roman state.

For this munera the slaves taking part in the fighting, who were known as bustuarii (from the Latin bustum, meaning 'tomb' or a 'funeral pyre'), rather than gladiators, were 'kitted out' in white and black liveries.

Three boys wore white thongs, leg and arm guards, and gloves. Three of the boys wore black thongs, leg and arm guards, and gloves. If there was any significance in the choice of these two colours, non of the guest was aware of it.

It was announced by Terentius, who was acting as master of ceremonies, that each contest would be fought white against black, and to the death of one or both combatants. In the case of this reconstruction by Gracchus of an ancient munera, the weapon (gladius), used by each fighter was specially designed. The two cutting edges of the blade were blunted, and the sharp, pointed tip was fitted, a short distance up the blade (from the tip), with a metal flange. The purpose of the flange was to prevent the blade from penetrating deeply enough to cause any serious injury, while at the same time creating a superficial wound, accompanied by a copious blood flow (such blades were used by the presenters of 'Games', when they wanted to minimize gladiator losses, and were justly unpopular with Roman audiences, and were also used in the later stages of gladiator training).

The fight itself would continue until one or more such wounds had been inflicted. The fighter showing the most bleeding would then be declared the loser, disarmed, and stripped. He would then be castrated by the supervising slaves, (as was required for a sacrifice to deities of the heavens, di superi, 'gods above', see above), and then dragged over to the sacrificial krater. There, the slave dressed as Charon would stun the the defeated fighter (who was being held with his head over the gilded krater), with a heavy wooden mallet, in the same way that large sacrificial animals were stunned, prior to being sacrificially slain.

The partially unconscious, castrated fighter would then be decapitated and, while his blood poured from his neck into the krater, his head would be lifted high by his hair to be shown the assembled guests.

In this way, Gracchus maintained all the accepted rules and rituals for a legitimate religious sacrifice.

De Pugnis
The fights

Like most 'gladiatorial' contests, these fights were 'fixed'. This may surprise aficionados of the 'media' (Films, TV and the like), which feature 'gladiators', but it would be a very foolish lanista who risked losing his best fighters because of some accidental slip, stoke of bad-luck, or 'off day'.

It was the lanista who provided his troupe of gladiators for sale or hire to the producer of the show. A reviled figure in Roman literature, compared by Martial with libellous informers and liars, the lanista was infamis, and regarded as both a butcher (lanius), and a pimp (leno), because he traded in humans for profit. Gracchus, in our story is in an unusual position. Technically he owns all the slaves who appear and work in his arena. He then 'lends' the slaves them to his freedmen, who allocate certain of these slaves to 'senior slaves' (such as Pretonius), who train, manage an discipline the slaves. The slaves in question, who appear in the arena are both male and female, and are not only gladiators, wrestlers and boxers, but also singers, instrumentalists, actors, dancers and mimes.

Good gladiators, especially if they were good looking, as well as being strong and skilful were literally worth their weight in gold. It was therefore financially essential to ensure that some valuable individuals, while they might appear in the arena because they were a great attraction for the audience, would be protected form injury and/or death. To take part in what was, in effect, a sacrifice, required the consent of the participants.

When sacrificing animals, the sprinkling of the victim's head with water (or mola salsa, see below) would cause the animal to nod or bow its head, which was perceived as a gesture of acceptance.

In ancient Roman religion, mola salsa ('salted flour') was a mixture of coarse-ground, toasted emmer flour and salt used in every official sacrifice. It was sprinkled on the forehead, and between the horns of animal victims before they were sacrificed, as well as on the altar and in the sacred fire. It was a common offering to the household hearth. The substance was described as pius ('reverently prepared' in this sense) and castus ('ritually pure'). The mola salsa was so fundamental to sacrifice that 'to put on the mola' (Latin immolare) came to mean 'to sacrifice', hence English 'immolation'. Its use was one of the numerous religious traditions ascribed to Etruscan tradition.

Naturally, animals were not always fully cooperative, but in principle, the victim had to indicate its consent, particularly by lowering its head. For this reason, it would generally be tied by a harness fastened to a ring at the foot of the altar so that, with a little help from the sacrificer, it would make the gesture of acquiescence. Once the victim showed its submission, the knife was finally uncovered, a few hairs from the animal's head were shorn off with it and thrown into the altar fire.

It was for the reasons described above that the six boys were required to consent (supposedly of their own 'free' will) to taking part in the Munera ad Augustum. In reality, of course, being slaves, they had very little choice in the matter.

Gracchus had carefully selected the three slave-boys who were to loose their fight and be sacrificed, or equally, one might say, he had selected the slave-boys who would survive the munera.

Petronius; not only one of Gracchus favourites, but also an important individual, involved in the planning and preparations of presentations in Gracchus' arena, would obviously survive. He had been matched against Valentius, a young gladiator who had not proved himself during his training period. Slow and 'dim-witted', if he was not killed in the munera, then he would be killed in his first fight. Gracchus therefore thought it best to let the boy be a sacrifice, and it least in that way he might prove himself of some value.

A young lad called Asper had been matched against Durus. For this fight Durus had 'drawn the short straw', so to speak, and was destined to be killed.

For the final fight Atticus had been matched against Ferox. Ferox was a good, 'up and coming fighter'. Atticus, however, while a good swordsman, was ill-disciplined and unruly, being appallingly over-sexed, and making himself a constant nuisance to the younger slave-boys.

Gracchus had therefore decided that it would be best to be rid of him, and while he could have easily sold the boy, (Gracchus did not like selling 'bad' slaves, as the buyers would probably be dissatisfied, and his reputation as a respected dealer would be damaged), it seemed more appropriate, and better for his reputation to have the hot-blood of the young 'buck' used in the sacrifice.

Being castrated before his decapitation, would also seem to be appropriate for such an obviously 'over-sexed' young lad.

Once the boys were fully 'kitted out', the attending slaves, plus three freedmen lined up to process into the banqueting hall, via the main, double doors. On their way they collected a couple of cornicenes (trumpeters), courtesy of Tribune Marcellus, and a pair of priests. In this way, they formed a small pompa, although, being a 'proper' munera, this pompa would have none of the elaboration to be seen in Gracchus' arena, and would be nothing like the 'over-blown' shows put on in Rome. The six teenage gladiators, along with the members of the pompa entered the reception hall, to the subdued applause of the guests.

As this was a munera, a religious rite, not further applause, cheering, or noise of any kind was then permitted. It was then the turn of the priests to make a petitionary prayer to 'ingenium Divi Augustus' (the genius of the Divine Augustus), and sprinkle the boys' heads with sacred water from the Temple of Apollo at Cumae. Mola salsa was then sprinkled on each boy's hair, and the boys bowed towards the raised area where Gracchus was seated in front of the bust of Divi Augustus (the Divine Augustus). The bow symbolised their willingness to accept the fact that they would be sacrificed if they lost the fight.

The four bustuarii who were not fighting yet then left the banqueting hall, as it was not considered advisable for them to witness the possible fate that awaited them.

***

WARNING:
if you don't like reading explicit descriptions of sex violence, including gory deaths, you are advised to follow this link to the next section - Munerum Epicinium - Aftermath of the Munera

***

Prima pugna
First Combat

The supervising slaves then moved to the sides of the banqueting hall, and two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the munera. One of the swords was not only flanged, but was also blunted at the tip, and was given to Valentius, so Petronius was almost certain to win this fight, and Valentius would be killed.

As soon as the fight began it was obvious that Petronius was the superior swordsman. It was equally obvious that Valentius' blade had been blunted. While Petronius' jabs had drawn blood on Valentius' belly and chest, none of Valentius' jabs had any effect on Petronius. By then although, as intended, Valentius had not sustained any serious injury, he was declared the loser by the senior supervising slave, and ordered to give up his gladius. Valentius had no choice, and handed over the useless sword.

At this point young Bellus came forward.

So who was Bellus?

Bellus was a new young slave, who had been given the Latin name 'Bellus' by Gracchus. 'Bellus' is Latin slang for 'cute'. The boy was to be used as an 'arena-slave', that is a slave who took part in events in the arena, but not as an actual performer. His role was a little different to an 'amphitheater worker', who was a slave who was involved in cleaning, maintenance, construction etc. Arena slaves often made contact with performers in the arena, and on most occasions were involved in supervising and/or assisting events in the arena. As such they were require to appear in the arena itself, in the presence of the audience. They were therefore required to be attractive, and normally wore a uniform of black leather braccae (what we would call trousers or breeches) black leather cross-belts and studded black leather wrist-guards, with exposed arms and upper body. 'Bellus', because he was so youthful-looking and 'cute', was being trained to perform actions intended to humiliate defeated combatants in the arena, for example tying up individuals, and applying mild forms of torture. Eventually he would be required to emasculate and rape defeated combatants before the were 'finished off' by their opponents, but that would be in the future, if he proved himself suitable.

In this munera, it was Bellus' job (possibly with some assistance from an older, more experience slave) to tie the hands of the defeated bustuari behind his back. This was easy for Bellus, as by this point Valentius (usualy known as Valens) had effectively 'given up'.

Meanwhile, Petronius, completely unmarked from the combat, stood and watched. Bellus then untied Valentius' thong. Valentius looked shocked as the cute young boy untied the chords that secured the brief loincloth. He had obviously not realized the actuality of what was happening to him, but could do nothing as the bulging pouch dropped away, revealing a leather harness which was combined with a silver ring.

It was basically a leather thong, with a hole in the front, the hole edged with a silver ring, from which poked Valentius' bulky genitals. Above the silver ring, and covering his pubic 'bush', was a triangle of leather, attached to which were four, thin horizontal straps, which secured his thick penis in an upright position. The combination of silver ring round the root of his genitals, and straps round his penis, of course, had given the lad a sizeable erection. His erect penis was held vertically, and what the Romans called the 'glans' (acorn) was exposed.

For the Romans, who were all uncircumcised, the exposure of the 'glans' was the greatest obscenity imaginable, and therefore the greatest humiliation, and in addition, Valentius was so excited that 'preseminal fluid' ('pre cum') was dribbling from his meatus (literally passage or pathway). The purpose of this leather harness, however, was not to create an erection, or to humiliate the wearer, but was rather to completely expose the boy's scrotum, containing his testicles, in order to make it simple and easy for the supervising slaves to castrate him.

Bellus and his companion then forced the shocked and exposed boy down onto his knees. The older slave then brought out a knife from a leather scabbard at his side, while Bellus watched, fascinated.

"No! Please!" Valentius groaned quietly. "Not my balls!… Not my bollocks!…"

The slave with the knife reached down, and as he did so Valentius' cock swelled and stiffened. The slave grasped the boy's well filled, shaved ball-sack.

"Oh!… No!…," Valentius sighed as, looking down at his now fully erect cock and, unable to help himself, his creamy seed shot up, splashing his chin, and then splattered over his heaving, sweaty chest and belly.

As he squirted his 'seed', the knife cut through his bulging scrotum, removing his testicles, instantly making him a 'gelding'. His plump, shaved, and now bloody scrotum fell to the marble floor, and blood started spurting from his mutilated crotch.

"Oh fuck!" he grunted, realizing that he was about to be killed, while he slumped down onto his back, with his legs jerking spasmodically.

Valentius' cock had by then shrivelled, and it was easy for young Bellus, who had been holding him, to remove the now soft, still dribbling penis from the leather harness, which he then unbuckled and stripped from the castrated young bustuari.

The two slaves together then turned Valentius over onto his belly.

"Shit! I've got no balls…!" Valentius moaned quietly, as he was flopped over onto the cold marble floor. Having just been castrated, Valentius couldn't use his legs, so the slaves dragged the naked, mutilated fighter on his belly, over to the gilded bronze krater.

As the slaves dragged the groaning young bustuari over to the krater, with his legs trailing behind him, and occasionally twitching, he left a trail of blood from his mutilated groin.

At the same time, a sinister figure entered the banqueting hall. He was wearing black leather, like the other supervising slaves but, in addition, he was wearing the mask of the Etruscan daemonem Charon (Karun), and was carrying a hammer.

In Etruscan mythology, Charon acted as 'psychopompoi' of the underworld.

The Etruscan Charon was fundamentally different from his Greek counterpart. Guarding the entry to the underworld he is depicted with a hammer (his religious symbol), and is shown with pointed ears, heavy brow ridges, snakes around his arms, and a blueish coloration symbolizing the decay of death, large lips, fiery eyes, and snakes around his arm. There are examples, on the sarcophagus of Laris Pulenas, as well as a red figure stamnos from Orbetello, that illustrate Charun in a menacing fashion, depicting him threatening a male figure with his hammer. Much later, in Rome, a figure based on Charon, called Dispater, would strike the loser of a combat with a heavy hammer. Charon's task at the Munera, therefore, was to strike the loser with the hammer, so that he would be partially stunned, and therefore unlikely to resist the fatal cut. Such resistance would be considered a bad omen, and possibly invalidate the sacrifice, which would then have to be repeated.

The slave, who had been responsible for castrating Valentius, picked up the defeated fighter's bloody, severed scrotum, and followed the slaves, who were dragging the body over to the krater. While the trembling, twitching body of Valentius was draped over the krater, with his head centered on the 'mouth' of the large vessel, the slave with the defeated fighter's testicles dropped them onto the marble floor beside the terrified lad.

Later the severed scrotum would be put into into a bronze bowl, the bowl supported by a gilded tripod, standing close to the krater.

'Charun' now stood over the naked young bustuarius.

"Please!…," Valentius groaned, helplessly.

The priests took that a auguring well, indicating that the victim was consenting to being sacrificed, and nodded to Charun to strike the boy. In fact Valentius was probably begging for mercy, but that was neither here not there, as Charun swung his hammer, stunning the boy with a heavy blow.

The slave who had performed the castration then went over to Valentius with a sword, and pulled the young lad's head up by his hair.

Valentius, who was already spraying urine from his fat, limp, dangling prick down onto the marble floor, starred pitifully up to where Gracchus was sitting, with Markos standing beside him, in front of the gilded bust of Augustus.

The slave, holding his head up by his hair, then sliced through his neck, decapitating the naked boy. Valentius farted loudly, and his headless body jerked convulsively, with his legs twitching uncontrollably for a few moments, as his blood gushed from his severed neck into the krater.

Then the castrated, headless lad went completely limp.

Valentius head was initially place on the ornate floor, close to his severed balls.

The two slaves who had been holding him then lifted the naked corpse off the krater, and turned the bleeding body over, onto it's back, while Charun held up Valentius' severed head. The young lad's final expression was one of pleading shock, with its mouth open, and eyes staring wide.

Petronius had seen enough; and turned to leave the banqueting hall, but a slave approached him to tell him that Gracchus wished to personally congratulate him.

Secundo pugna
Second Combat

After the conclusion of the first fight, and the resulting sacrifice, there was a faint hum of conversation from the assembled guests.

At this point Terentius escorted an older, grey haired and bearded figure into the banqueting hall. The guest watched intently, many of them recognising the refined figure, who nodded acknowledgement to some of the guests. This was Novius. Delayed in Rome on business, he had travelled by carriage 'post-haste' to the villa in order to be present for the munera which he had done much to organise. Terentius took Novius up to be greeted by Gracchus, who greeted his old friend warmly. Terentius then gave a specially reserved place to one who was, effectively, a guest of honour.

Meanwhile, the next two bustuarii were ushered into the banqueting hall. These boys were Asper and Durus.

Durus, although he did not know it, was the boy to be sacrificed. Undoubtedly the guests would have been hoping that he would be the victor, as he was undoubtedly the 'cutest' out of the two boys.

Again, two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the munera, and it was Durus who got the blunted sword. The fight unfolded very much as the previous fight had, although in the munera, unlike the Ludi, it was the sacrifice that was important, and not the fight. Durus, of course, lost, which disappointed many of the guests.

Like Valentius, he was wearing an elaborate leather thong, with a silver ring, and straps holding his penis upright. Being younger than Valentius, he had much less pubic hair, and relatively small genitals, however, his scrotum was bulging and well filled, and was an easy target for the slave who was responsible for castrating the 'cute' bustuarius.

"Oh shit!" was all the lad quietly grunted, as the supervising slave pulled at his ball-bag, causing Durus to involuntarily ejaculate.

The slave, showing consideration for the young bustuarius, allowed the naked boy's orgasm to subside. A second later the boy, with spunk dribbling down his belly onto his neat little 'bush', squealed "Fuck!" as the knife cut away his balls. His severed scrotum, containing his testicles, was finally lying in a small pool of blood on the marble floor of the banqueting hall.

The slaves then quickly unstrapped the complex, leather thong from the naked boy's penis and crotch. At that point his legs were convulsively twitching, and his delicately lashed eyelids were fluttering. As young Durus appeared to have fainted, it was therefore an easy matter for the slaves to drag him over to the krater.

'Charun', realising that the mutilated, naked boy was barely conscious, saw no need to stun him, and just gave the lad's head a symbolic tap with his hammer. Durus grunted, and then in a few seconds, his pretty little head had been sliced from his body. At that point, as a slave lifted the dead boy's head for all the guests to see, the only sounds that could be heard was the sound of Durus' blood splashing down into the already partly filled krater, and the sound of his piss splattering onto the marble floor.

Asper, looking as if the fate that Durus had undergone had shocked him, quietly left the banqueting hall.

Meanwhile Durus' corpse was pulled off the krater. He was turned over onto his back, and laid beside Valentius, while a slave added Durus' testicles to those of Valentius, which were already in the bronze bowl mounted on the tripod.

Novius nodded appreciatively to Gracchus, please to see that the sacrifice had been carried out in accordance with Etruscan tradition.

Tertio pugna
Third Combat

The final combat of the munera was between Atticus and Ferox. This proceed like the previous two fights. The two bustuarii were ushered into the banqueting hall, and this time it was Atticus who was to be the boy to be sacrificed.

Again, two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the munera, however, quite by accident (?), it was Ferox who got the blunted sword. The mistake (presuming it was just a mistake), became obvious very early on in the fight, with Ferox unable to make a mark on Atticus, while Ferox himself was very soon bleeding quite profusely.

Gracchus was furious, as he had wanted to be rid of Atticus for some time, but there was nothing that he could do. This was a munera, and as such a religious rite, and no one could interfere, or intervene, in the proceedings. Atticus, however, was grinning from ear to ear, realizing that he had undoubtedly won. And so Ferox declared the loser by the senior supervising slave, and ordered to give up his gladius.

Poor Ferox had no choice.

"It's not fair!" he grumbled, confidentially to the senior supervising slave, "I should have won!".

However, he had no option but to and hand over his useless gladius. At the same time two slaves came up behind him, grabbed his arms, and tied them behind his back. Atticus then handed his own gladius over to the slave who usually dealt with the castration of the loser and, without so much as a 'by your leave', took over.

"Let's see what you've got in there!" he said quietly to poor Ferox, who was tied up and held by two of the arena slaves.

With that he untied the cords of Ferox's loincloth, to expose the leather harness which was holding the boy's penis vertically. There was very little need for the straps, however, as Ferox was massively erect.

"Let's have the knife!" Atticus said to the arena slave who was accompanying him.

Somewhat reluctantly the arena slave gave the blustering young fighter the knife used for the castrations. Atticus then grabbed hold of Ferox's ball-bag, which was poking out of the silver ring of the harness, along with his huge, engorged prick.

"No! Please!" Ferox groaned, looking down at his huge cock, which was already dribbling pre-cum.

Atticus squeezed and twisted the helpless boy's scrotum.

"Shit! NO!…My fuckin' balls!" Ferox moaned, and then squirted his spunk.

The first spurt hit his chin, and the rest splattered over his chest and belly. As he was 'cumming', Atticus pulled the knife up from the root of the squirming boy's ball-bag. Ferox's hefty balls came away in Atticus hand, and he handed the knife back to the slave standing beside him.

"What's it feel like, Ferox!" Atticus asked quietly, dropping the boy's severed testicles onto the marble floor.

Looking down at his bleeding, mutilated crotch, Ferox said nothing, but just groaned, as he sank to the marble floor, with blood running down the inside of his muscular, twitching thighs. While Atticus watched, the slaves stripped Ferox, now a helpless eunuch, of his leather thong, and dragged the naked, castrated boy over to the gilded bronze krater.

"Oh God!" Ferox groaned, obviously appalled at the prospect of his imminent death.

The priests, however, interpreted it as a good augury, and encouraged Charun to incapacitated the lad before anything could go wrong. A swift, hard blow to Ferox's skull, knocked young Ferox out 'cold', and a slave swiftly decapitated the already urinating lad. Ferox's severed head, with its gaping mouth, was then held up by one of the slave, much to Gracchus' annoyance.

Meanwile, Ferox's naked, headless corpse was pulled off the krater. He was turned over onto his back, and laid beside Durus and Valentius, while a slave added Ferox's testicles to those of Durus and Valentius, which were already in the bronze bowl mounted on the tripod.

Munerum Epicinium
Aftermath of the Munera

The bloody and violent munera itself was at an end. The naked and mutilated bodies of the slain fighters were then dragged out of the banqueting hall, feet first. The mosaic and marble floor washed.

At the same time the krater, now nearly filled with fresh blood, and the bowl, containing the six testicles from the three boys, which was mounted on the ornate tripod, were removed from the banqueting hall.

Then, a group of ten young slave-boys, all decorously dressed in white, entered by the main doors to the reception hall, accompanied by Lucius (Markos' Latin tutor), dressed in his finest white toga, and bearing in his hands a rolled parchment. The boys stood in a line, and sang a short choral ode to the memory of the 'Divine Augustus'. Lucius then stepped forward, cleared his throat, and bowed to Gracchus.

"Here now is the Res Gestae Divi Augusti," he proclaimed rather grandly.

He then began his reading from the parchment:

Res Gestae Divi Augusti (The Deeds of the Divine Augustus) is the funerary inscription of the first Roman emperor, Octavian Augustus, giving a first-person record of his life and accomplishments. The Res Gestae is especially significant because it gives an insight into the image Augustus portrayed to the Roman people. The inscription is grouped in four sections, political career, public benefactions, military accomplishments and a political statement. Augustus left the text with his will, which instructed the Senate to set up the inscriptions. The original was engraved upon a pair of bronze pillars, and placed in front of Augustus' mausoleum.

Lucius' reading of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti, and his Latin, were flawless, and there followed some polite applause.

Politics in Rome, at the time of our story were complex and devious. For many years Gracchus, despite being a senior senator (mainly because of his wealth and lineage), had kept a very low profile during the reigns of Tiberius and Caligula. He had been a little more active during the reign of Claudius (an Emperor who shared Gracchus' and Novius deep interest in all things related to the Etruscans, and the traditions of the early Republic), but after the first few years of the reign of the emperor Nero, Gracchus had hidden away in his villa at Baiae, and his properties in Greece. At this point, however, Gracchus saw that Nero's reign must soon come to an end, and so he took this opportunity to make a veiled and subtle criticism of the now increasingly unpopular Emperor.

Veiled, because Nero's name was not mentioned once, and subtle because those who had 'ears to hear' would easily make a comparison between the monumental achievements of the Divine Augustus, and the chaotic reign of Nero. In holding a munera for the ingenium Divi Augustus, a reading of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti, Gracchus was holding up an example of a true Princeps, and Nero, in no way could measure up to that example. All the guests realised what Gracchus was doing, but, veiled and subtle, it was still a dangerous statement to make if Gracchus had mistimed his move.

De Auguriis et Funeribus
The Omens and Funeral Rites

While the Res Gestae Divi Augusti was being read, each of the three headless boys had his belly slit open and, having been being deftly disemboweled, had his liver removed and examined by one of the priests, who was a haruspex, and in this case supervised by Novius. This was 'de rigeur' if a sacrifice was to be legitimate.

In the Roman religion, a haruspex (plural haruspices; also called aruspex) was a person trained to practice a form of divination called haruspicy (haruspicina); the inspection of the entrails (exta), hence also extispicy (extispicium) of sacrificed animals. The reading of omens specifically from the liver is also known by the Greek term hepatoscopy (also hepatomancy). The Roman concept is directly derived from Etruscan religion, as one of the three branches of the disciplina Etrusca, much beloved on Novius. The art of haruspicy was taught in the Libri Tagetici, a collection of texts attributed to Tages, a childlike being, who figures in Etruscan mythology. The Libri Tagetici were translated into Latin and employed in reading omens. The continuity of the Etruscan tradition among the Romans is indicated by several ancient literary sources, perhaps most famously in the incident related by Suetonius in which a haruspex named Spurinna warned Julius Caesar to beware the Ides of March. The emperor Claudius (who reigned just prior to this to this story), was a student of the Etruscan language and antiquities, and opened a college to preserve and improve their art.

Fortunately the livers of all the three boys exhibited excellent omens. If they had not, then the whole munera would have had to be repeated.

The bodies, (including the head and genitals), of the three boy were then given funerals, late that same night, in the grounds of the villa. In accordance with the mos maiorum (the 'traditions of the ancestors'), the body of each boy was washed, and anointed. The liver was replaced, and the slit belly was sewn up. The head and the scrotum were then sewn back onto the body, so that the boy could enter the afterlife 'whole'. An obol (coin) was placed in the mouth of each boy, for Charon. The bodies were then each dressed in a white tunic of expensive, imported cotton.

The bodies were then carried on a gilt wood bier, and they were followed by a group of slaves who had been known to the lads during their time at the villa. Petronius, Asper and Markos were among the mourners, but predictably Atticus did not attend. (Markos had not known Durus, Valentius or Ferox, but as Petronius had asked him to attend the funerals, he felt obliged).

None of the freedmen or Gracchus attended as this was a funeral for slaves.

The funeral itself was paid for by Gracchus (this was unusual, as gladiators would normally have to 'club together' to pay for funeral arrangements, and the bodies of slaves were often simply discarded, at Baiae often thrown into the sea.).

While the funeral pyres were burning a libation of the finest wine, and expensive, imported incense was sprinkled over the flames. Finally, when the funeral piles burned down, more fine wine was used to douse the embers, so that the ashes could be gathered and placed in funerary urns.

On Gracchus orders, the extremely expensive funeral urns were then retained in the villa, and were later placed in a shrine to the Divine Augustus, that Gracchus had later built in one of the smaller atria of the villa.

To the modern reader the treatment of the slave-boys at Gracchus' munera might seem reprehensible. It must be remembered, however, that under Roman law a master had 'potestatem vitae et mortis', (the power of life and death) over his slaves. He could execute his slaves, although it was generally accepted that this should only be done for good reason. The case of Publius Vedius Pollio, who lived some time before Gracchus, is a case in point. When his slaves displeased him, he had them fed to muraenas, that he maintained for that purpose, and it is significant that his 'friend', the Princeps Augustus, stepped in and forbade the practice, and publicly repudiated Pollio.

Gracchus' treatment of the slave-boys at the munera, however, would be seen at the time as perfectly correct. In principle they had been offered the opportunity to take part in the munera, and had apparently consented of the own free will. The munera itself was not seen as a cruel 'entertainment', but as a religious rite, undertaken on behalf of the community, and the defeated boys were sacrificed in strict accordance with the ritual requirements of Romanae religionem. Subsequently, the boys who had been sacrificed were provided with the required (and very lavish), funeral rites, all paid for by Gracchus, on behalf of the community. The only individual who was open to any criticism, in Roman eyes, was the slave-boy Atticus, who may well have been responsible for the switching of the gladius at the munera, and who, equally reprehensibly, had not attended the funeral ceremonies of the three, dead boys, and of course, Gracchus would 'deal' with Atticus at a later date.

Post Festum
After the Banquet

But back to the convivium, Gracchus then rose from his seat, and accompanied by his 'entourage', (including Markos) and Novius and Terentius, he walked down the center of the hall, spoke briefly to Lucius, and then left the hall, leaving his guests to finish their conversations and meal, and later take their leave.

Meanwhile, Terentius relieved Markos of the exquisite, and expensive, wine jug that Markos had been carrying throughout the evening as 'cup-bearer', and told him to go and assist young Glykon at the main entrance to the villa.

And so ended the banquet at the Villa Aurea, held to commemorate the birthday of the late Emperor Octavian Augustus, the first Princeps.

It may seem very strange to the modern reader that a banquet could be held that would involve eating and drinking, a sexually explicit performance by naked slave-boys, followed by three bloody gladiatorial fights to the death, and then the performance of a choral hymn to the memory of a dead emperor, and a long, flowery, (and mainly political) recitation.

Such a series of entertainments at a banquet for members of elite Roman society were not, however, unusual, and are attested to by numerous literary and historical sources, and, in fact, much stranger 'goings on' regularly occurred at many a high class convivium (feast or party).

Markos, however, was disturbed by what he had witnessed. He had never seen anything so strange, and so violent in his whole, short, life, and it brought back to him memories of the horrors of the pirate attack. After the guests had left, and Glykon no longer needed him, he was approached by Petronius, who had been one of the bustuarii at the munera.

"You look worried…", Petronius said. "Can I be of any help ?"

"I'm just a bit shocked at what happened," Markos said, lamely.

"You're Markos, aren't you?" Petronius said gently.

Markos nodded.

"Then why not come with me?" Petronius said, smiling. "We're going to give the boys who were sacrificed a good send off, and then we can share a flask of wine."

Markos only had his lonely cubiculum to go to, so he thought 'why not?', and he did like Petronius, although it was the first time that they have ever spoken.

'and the story continues, first, find out what happened after the munera!

Then it's a matter of rumors about Markos and Gracchus swirling around the villa, but are nothing compared to what is happening in the outside world as the Roman Empire totters on the verge of collapse, and Gracchus consults the Sibyl at Cumae, in a desperate attempt to find out what the future may hold!

XI. De Fama et Prophetia
11. Rumour & Prophecy

'aurea puer ad mare'
The Cumaean Sibyl

Post Munera
After the Munera

The day after the munera, a furious Gracchus had Terentius in his study, 'tearing a strip' off the unfortunate freedman for allowing Atticus to get away with swapping over the swords, which had resulted in the killing of young Ferox. Gracchus had tried to arrange for Ferox to win the fight, as he was a good lad, tall and well muscled, who had responded well to his training. Now all that was left of Ferox was a pile of ashes, sealed in a grey marble funeral urn, the boy's corpse had been cremated the previous night.

But, there was little to be done.

Gracchus had his plans for taking his revenge on Atticus, but to begin with he would give the stupid boy some time the believe that he had got away with his crime.

The main task for the imediate future was to replace the slaves who had been killed, as Patronius needed to keep up the numbers of his fighters. For this reason Terentius, partly as a penance, was sent off to Brundisium. It was quite a long journey, and it would give Terentius some time to consider how he could keep a more careful eye on his young charges. And why Brunsidium, when there were slave markets in Neapolis, yet alone Rome?

Well Brundisium was the port were most of the slaves destined for Italy arrived, so the best choice of slaves was to be found in that bustling, if rather disreputable port (it was where Terentius had bought Markos). And Gracchus wanted three handsome, muscular, reasonably intelligent young slave-boys. They would be expensive, but that was not really a problem for Gracchus.

Once the new boys had arrived at the Villa, and before they were transferred to the Amphitheater, they would get the collars last worn by the three defeated bustuarii the previous evening. At the same time they would be given the names of those same boys, Durus,Valentius (Valens) and Ferox.

To Romans, names were vitally important, often encapsulating an individuals status, or a family's history. Few slaves were allowed to retain their original names. Renaming them took away their individuality, and their connection with their previous life, and that 'break' was in the interests of their masters. Marcus was an unusual case, as he was simply given the Greek version of his Roman name, Markos, which effectively sounds very similar. Performers (including gladiators) who appeared in the arena almost always had 'stage names', usually indicating something about their character, rather like modern film and pop stars.

And so the meanest looking of the three boys that Terentius brought back from Brundisium was called 'Durus', which indicates harshness. The most ferocious looking lad was now called 'Ferox', which indicates ferocity, and the strongest looking boy was called 'Valentius' or 'Valens' for short, which indicates strength or power. Who they originally were was immaterial, as they each had a fine Roman name, and were to begin their first arduous months of training.

De Oraculo
The Oracle

In the Roman world an oracle was a person or agency considered to provide wise counsel or prophetic predictions or precognition of the future, inspired by the gods. As such it is a form of divination. The word oracle comes from the Latin verb ōrāre 'to speak', and properly refers to the priest or priestess uttering the prediction. In extended use, oracle may also refer to the site of the oracle, and to the oracular utterances themselves, called 'khrēsmoi' (χρησμοί) in Greek.

One of the most famous, and oldest of the the oracles was at Δωδώνᾱ, Dodona, in Epirus. This was the oracle of Zeus, and the oracular utterances were made known by the rustling of the oak leaves (the oak was sacred to Zeus, and to Jupiter) in a sacred grove.

The pre-eminent oracle was, of course, at Δελφοί, Delphi, in Greece. Python, offspring of Gaia (the Earth Goddess), was the earth dragon of Delphi, represented as a serpent and became the chthonic deity, enemy of Apollo, who slew her and possessed the oracle. The oracle at Delphi, was said to be infallible, and only gave prophecies the seventh day of each month, seven being the number most associated with Apollo, during the nine warmer months of the year; thus, Delphi was the major source of divination for the ancient Greeks.

Apollo, Ἀπόλλων, Apollōn is one of the most important and complex of the Olympian deities in classical Greek and Roman religion and Greek and Roman mythology. The ideal of the kouros (a beardless, athletic youth), Apollo has been variously recognized as a god of music, truth and prophecy, healing, the sun and light, plague, poetry, and more. Apollo is the son of Zeus and Leto, and has a twin sister, the chaste huntress Artemis. Apollo is known in Greek-influenced Etruscan mythology as Apulu. Apollo was the patron god of Octavian Augustus.

The oracle spoke through a priestess, known as the Πυθία, Pythia, who sat on a bronze tripod set over a crack in the floor of a cave. Fumes arose from the crevice, and the priestess became intoxicated, and gave frenzied and incoherent utterances, which were interpreted by priests.

Other temples of Apollo were located at Didyma on the coast of Asia Minor, at Corinth and Bassae in the Peloponnese, and at the islands of Delos and Aegina in the Aegean Sea.

Oracles were thought to be portals through which the gods spoke directly to people. In this sense they were different from seers ('manteis', μάντεις) who interpreted signs sent by the gods through bird signs, animal entrails, and other various methods.

For the Romans, however, the most influential oracle was the Sibylline Oracle, and the Sibylline Books. The Books are a collection of oracular utterances written in Greek hexameters ascribed to the Sibyls. In the ancient world, sibyls were prophetesses associated with a particular location. Many of their prophecies played key roles in determining the direction of important events. Though there were variations based on the Sibyl of Cumae, the sibyls all seem to share some characteristics. They gave their prophecies in an ecstatic state, under the power of a particular deity (often Apollo), and they were usually associated with a specific ancient oracle or a temple.

The Cumaean Sibyl is probably the best known of sibyls. Her cave was located near the town of Cumae, close to Gracchus' villa, on the western coast of Italy, in the same location as a temple of Apollo. While most often known as the Cumaean Sibyl or the Sibyl of Cumae, she is also variously referred to as: Herophile, Demo, Phemonë, Deiphobe, Demophile, and Amalthea.

You may want to skip the further explanation of the oracles, the story continues here

Virgil famously described her cave as having a hundred openings. It was said this oracle, or Sibyl, dwelt in the mouth of this cave in Cumae, (originally an ancient Greek settlement near what is now Naples).

"A spacious cave, within its far most part, Was hew'd and fashion'd by laborious art Thro' the hill's hollow sides: before the place, A hundred doors a hundred entries grace; As many voices issue, and the sound Of Sybil's words as many times rebound."

Written in 19 BC, the Aeneid, which Markos was studying, with the help of his Latin tutor, Lucius, chronicles the adventures of Trojan warrior Aeneas, including his encounter with a mysterious ancient oracle. In Book III of the Aeneid, Aeneas visits a priest/prophet who tells him to visit the Cumaean Sibyl.

"And when, thither borne, thou drawest near to the town of Cumae, the haunted lakes, and Avernus with its rustling woods, thou shalt look on an inspired prophetess, who deep in a rocky cave sings the Fates and entrusts to leaves signs and symbols." -Virgil (The Aeneid)

The Sibyl had important news for Aeneas:

"The nations of Italy, the wars to come, the mode whereby thou art to flee or face each toil, she will unfold to thee; and, reverently besought, she will grant thee a prosperous voyage." -Virgil (The Aeneid)

In other words, the fate of the founding of Rome rests on the prophecy she gives Aeneas.

In Book VI, Aeneas finally visits Cumae and finds the Sibyl. She tells him that though he has survived the troubles of Troy, and the dangers of his sea voyage, he has further troubles ahead.

"O thou that at last hast fulfilled the great perils of the sea, yet by land more grievous woes await thee…. Wars, grim wars I see, and Tiber foaming with streams of blood… Even now another Achilles is raised up in Latium, he, too, goddess-born; nor shall Juno anywhere fail to dog the Trojans, whilst thou, a suppliant in thy need, what races, what cities of Italy shalt thou not implore! The cause of all this Trojan woe is again an alien bride, again a foreign marriage!" -Virgil (The Aeneid)

She says, however, that Aeneas should not fear this fate, that he has the ability to rise above it. As it happens, there is a portal to the underworld nearby. As he wanted to go there anyway, Aeneas asks the Sibyl if she will take him there to see his dead father. She says that he must first find a 'golden bough' in the forest. On that bough will be a fruit. If he is able to pick the fruit, he will be worthy to visit the underworld.

Having completed the task (and burying one of his crew who had challenged the gods to a trumpet-blowing contest and been killed by Triton), Aeneas returns to the Sibyl, who escorts him into the underworld. There, Aeneas meets his father, Anchises. After discussing some of the particulars of the underworld, Anchises shows Aeneas his future and the future of his descendants.

"Come now, what glory shall hereafter attend the Dardan line, what children of Italian stock await thee, souls illustrious and heirs of our name, this will I set forth, and teach thee thy destiny." -Virgil (The Aeneid).

Anchises recounts the destiny of all of Aeneas' descendants. Anchises tells Aeneas that among his descendants are Romulus, founder of Rome and, significantly, Caesar Augustus (the first Princeps). According to Anchises, Augustus will

"… again set up the Golden Age amid the fields where Saturn once reigned, and shall spread his empire to a land that lies beyond the stars, beyond the paths of the year and the sun, where heaven-bearing Atlas turns on his shoulders the sphere, inset with gleaming stars." -Virgil (The Aeneid)

Apart from the Sibyl's involvement with Aeneas, the most famous story concerning the Sibyl dates to the time of the last Roman King, Tarquinius Superbus, around 500 BC. According to the story, the Sibyl approached the king with nine books of prophesy, collected from the wisest seers, available to the king for a very dear price. The king haughtily refused her price. In response, the Sibyl burned three of the books, then offered the remaining six books at the original high price. Again he refused. Of the remaining six books, she threw three more onto the fire, and repeated her offer of the final three books, at the original price. Afraid of seeing all the prophesy destroyed, he finally accepted.

These books, which foretold the future of Rome, became a famous source of power and knowledge, and were stored on the Capitoline Hill in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, in Rome. In 82 BC, the books were destroyed in the burning of the Temple of Jupiter, and in 76 BC envoys were sent around the known world to rebuild the books of prophesy. The new books managed to survive until 405 AD, near the end of the Roman Empire.

The Cumaean Sibyl would later appear in the works of Ovid.

The Sibylline Books (sometimes called the Cumaean Books) became crucial in the ongoing decisions of Rome. The Lecti Viri, a group of two (Duumviri) men that grew to 10 (Decemviri) and eventually 15 (Quindecimviri), guarded the books.

When the senate's seers could not divine the meaning of extraordinary events, or when Rome needed direction in times of crisis, they would order these men to consult the Sibylline Books. The books often clarified the meaning of certain divine events, or ordered particular sacrifices and oblations to avoid a disaster.

Livy reports that, while preparing for war:

"The state was at this time suddenly occupied with a question of a religious nature, in consequence of the discovery of a prediction in the Sibylline books, which had been inspected on account of there having been so many showers of stones this year. It ran thus: When-soever a foreign enemy should bring war into the land of Italy, he may be driven out of Italy and conquered, if the Idaean Mother should be brought from Pessinus to Rome."

The Romans took these books so seriously that, according to Dionysius, dereliction of one's duty to care for the books could have disastrous results. When someone reported that one of the guardians of the books had allowed someone else to borrow one of them, King Tarquinius "ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea…"

Harsh, but perhaps not too harsh, given the role they played in the fate of Rome. According to tradition, the Sibyl would have sung her prophecies, or written them on oak leaves which she would leave at the mouth of the cave. Clearly, the Cumaean Sibyl plays a crucial role in the founding and ongoing fortune of Rome. If it were not for her, the Romans would not have had the guidance of the Sibylline Books. If it were not for her prophecy, Aeneas would not have been prepared to rise above his fate in his journey towards Italy.

So what has all this, interesting though it may be, to do with our Markos and Gracchus?

Well, it is not surprising that Gracchus, being a devotee of Virgil, and steeped in the legend of Aeneas, would be prepared to question the Cumaean Sibyl with regard to his own future, and as we have seen, Markos' future seems to be, in many ways, bound up with that of Gracchus.

De Fama
Rumour

Since the evening of the convivium young Markos had become a 'hot' topic of conversation among some of the slaves at the villa. As has been previously explained, Roman society was concious of status to a fanatical degree, and this applied to slaves to the same degree as it applied to the most fastidious patrician.

The 'lower class' slaves, those involved in menial work, kitchen boys, gardeners workmen of various kinds, and the like, took little interest in those slaves who were what might be described as the 'slave aristocracy', of which Markos now seemed to be a member.

The young men who had been trained as wrestlers and gladiators, and who were used as security guards for the villa, and its vastly extensive grounds, and were used as bodyguards for Gracchus and some of his senior freedmen, existed in their own, close-knit group, and were little concerned with other matters, except where it might impinge on their concerns regarding security.

There were, however, numerous slaves in the intermediate levels, who had either seen Markos in his role of 'cup-bearer', at the convivium, or had been told of the matter, and among them speculation was rife. The initial rumour was, not surprisingly, that Gracchus was having an 'affair', in other words, having sex, with Markos.

Equally, it was suggested that Gracchus was planning to have Markos castrated, in the same manner that Nero had his Puer Delicatus, called Sporus, (σπόριο) castrated. It was then added that Gracchus might, like the Emperor Nero, marry his castrated 'Ganymede'.

Sporus was a boy to whom Nero took a liking. He was a Puer delicatus, who were sometimes castrated in an effort to preserve their youthful qualities. The puer delicatus generally was a slave-boy, chosen by his master for his beauty as a 'toy boy'. It was suggested by Cassius Dio (AD 155-235) that Sporus was a freedman, but this is highly unlikely, and is undoubtedly a slur on Nero's character. While it was just acceptable to castrate a slave-boy, the castration of freedmen was not permitted. Nero's wife, Poppaea Sabina, was probably killed by Nero in 65. In the beginning of 66, he married Statilia Messalina. Later that year or in 67 he married Sporus. Nero had earlier married Pythagoras, who played the role of Nero's husband, as Sporus played the role of Nero's wife.

Soon after Nero's death, in 68AD, Sporus was taken by the Praetorian prefect Nymphidius Sabinus, who took part in the final conspiracy against Nero, persuading the Praetorian Guard to desert the emperor, but when he attempted to have himself declared emperor, he was killed by his own soldiers. Nymphidius treated Sporus as though they were married, and called him 'Poppaea'. After Nymphidius' death, Sporus, in the year 69, become involved with emperor Otho, who was also killed by his enemies later that year. Sporus was then taken by the new emperor, Vitellius, who planned for Sporus to play the title role in the 'Rape of Persephone' for the viewing enjoyment of the crowds during a gladiatorial Ludi. Sporus then committed suicide to avoid being raped in public.

Like most rumours, this rumour had little basis in fact. Gracchus had very many slave-boys, from the age of ten years, to boys who were just leaving adolescence, as they reached their final 'teen' years. None of Gracchus' slave-boys had ever been castrated, and in fact Gracchus had no taste for effeminate boys, and forbade Terentius from buying any boy who might be in the slightest way be described as a Cinaedus.

Cinaedus is a derogatory word denoting a male who was 'gender-deviant'; his choice of sex acts, or preference in sexual partner, was secondary to his perceived effeminacy and deficiencies as a 'male' (vir). Cinaedus is not equivalent to the English vulgarism 'faggot', except that both words can be used to deride a male considered deficient in manhood, or with androgynous characteristics.

The clothing, use of cosmetics, and mannerisms of a cinaedus would also marked him as effeminate. The cinaedus thus represented the absence of what Romans considered true maleness, and the word is virtually untranslatable into English.

Originally, a cinaedus (Greek 'kinaidos') was a professional dancer, characterized as non-Roman or 'Eastern'; the word itself may come from a language of Asia Minor.

His performance featured tambourine-playing and movements of the buttocks that suggested anal intercourse.

In addition, strange as it may seem, it did not appear that Gracchus 'used' his slave-boys sexually. Perhaps, as young Cleon had suggested, Gracchus just liked to 'watch'. In consideration of this, the possibility of Gracchus 'marrying' Markos, whether castrated or not, was obviously absurd.

And so, like most rumours, these rumour had no basis in fact.

Gracchus, of course, had been appalled at much of Nero's behaviour. The emperor, it appeared, had murdered his mother, killed his wife and unborn child, and had then gone on to indulge in numerous perverted sexual practices, which, as has been described, included his marriage to a castrated slave-boy, and his indulging in sexual practices where he permitted himself to be 'penetrated' by one of his freedmen.

To Gracchus all this was totally unacceptable, but prudently he kept his condemnation and disgust to himself, and remained, to all who knew him, bafflingly inscrutable. In this he shared a quality, inscrutability and mystery, that many also saw, to some extent, in Markos.

The mere existence of such rumours after the munera tended to isolate Markos from the other slaves to an even greater extent. He still had the friendship of Cleon and Glykon, and there was still his friendship with Servius and, since the munera, he had become friendly with the teenage gladiator Petronius.

As an aside, shortly after the convivium, Markos heard from Servius that Gracchus' wife had died. Markos had never seen, or met her, (and nor had Servius) as she lived in another of Gracchus' villas, just outside Rome. Nothing occurred at the Villa Aurea to indicate that anything had happened, and Markos would never had known if Servius hadn't told him.

Apparently, Gracchus had no children and, as far as anyone knew, he had no brothers or sisters, so perhaps now he was alone.

Gracchus himself, however, remained as inscrutable as ever, pursuing his business interests, regularly meeting with his numerous 'clients', and keeping a watchful eye over his many freedmen and slaves.

De Prophetia
Prophecy

But what about the 'prophecy'?

Well, since the convivium Gracchus had become more and more concerned about the political situation in Rome. As we have said, Gracchus tried hard to be outwardly apolitical, but the reports that he had recently received from Rome, and some reports from the provinces indicated to him that the Imperial administration was approaching a state of complete collapse, with varying groups vying for power as the fall of the current emperor, Nero, seemed inevitable.

De Rebus Politicis
Politics

Just before the convivium for the birthday of the Divine Augustus, in 65AD, the conspiracy of Gaius Calpurnius Piso had rocked the empire. The plot reflected the growing discontent among the ruling class of the Roman state with Nero's increasingly despotic leadership, and as a result it is a significant event on the road towards Nero's eventual suicide, and the chaos which followed that event.

Gaius Calpurnius Piso, a leading Roman statesman, benefactor of literature, and orator, intended to have Nero assassinated, with the goal of having himself declared Emperor of Rome by the imperial bodyguard, known as the Praetorian Guard. He enlisted the aid of several prominent senators, equestrians, and soldiers. According to Tacitus, the ringleaders included Subrius Flavus, a tribune of the Praetorian court, and the centurion Sulpicius Asper.

On April 19, CE 65, a freedman named Milichus discovered the conspiracy and reported it to Nero's secretary Epaphroditos. After the conspiracy was revealed, Nero ordered Piso, and its other leaders, to commit suicide.

The philosopher Seneca, his nephew Lucan, and the satirist Petronius (probable author of the Satyricon) were also implicated in the plot, and dealt with in a similar fashion. At least 41 individuals were accused of being part of the conspiracy. Of the known 41, there were 19 Senators, 7 Equites, 11 soldiers, and 4 women.

In late 67, Caius Julius Vindex, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, rebelled against Nero's tax policy, with the purpose of substituting Servius Sulpicius Galba, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, for Nero.

Gaius Julius Vindex was a member of the former royal family of Aquitania, which had lost its throne when Julius Caesar had subdued their country. However, it was still an influential family, and the father of Julius Vindex became a Roman senator after the emperor Claudius had permitted noblemen from Gaul to enter the august college. Vindex subsequently committed suicide.

Vindex's revolt in Gaul was unsuccessful, and Galba was declared a 'public enemy' by the Senate.

Servius Sulpicius Galba was born into an aristocratic family on December 24, 3 BCE to Gaius Sulpicius Galba and Mummia Achaica. An older brother, Gaius, (ten years his senior) would later commit suicide in 36 CE, due to 'financial embarrassment', after incurring the ire of Emperor Tiberius. It was reported that the Emperor Augustus singled Galba out of a group of young boys and said, "You too will taste a little of my glory, boy," suggesting that Galba would one day be emperor. Galba is almost unique in Roman accounts as being described as, what we would term today, a 'homosexual', being solely attracted to mature, muscular men.

In June 68, the Praetorian Guard prefect, Nymphidius Sabinus (who later became the 'husband' of the boy Sporus, see above), as part of a plot to become emperor himself, incited his men to transfer their loyalty from Nero to Galba.

In Villam
At the Villa

It was after the revolt in Gaul that Gracchus decided to consult the oracle of Phoebus Apollo at Cumae.

Now to the average reader, seeking the advice of what in 'modern' times would be considered to be a 'fortune teller' appears to be the height of ignorant superstition.

Gracchus, however, was by no means an ignorant man. Well educated, and well read, a student of philosophy, and in many ways a sceptic, he was, however, as we all are, 'a man of his times'.

Throughout the ancient world, as we have already explained, from the most ignorant peasant to the most learned, and the most powerful, people sought the advice of, and believed in the great oracles, and one of the greatest was the Cumaean Sibyl.

Of course Markos, now 16 year old, along with the other slaves in the villa, had no knowledge of the disturbing events in Gaul and Rome, and for Markos life continued as usual, with lessons, training, and the occasional amorous interlude, mainly with Cleon.

One morning, however, while he was performing his usual duty helping Glykon at the entrance hall, Terentius called him over.

"The dominus wants you to accompany him on a short trip. I will be coming as well. Dress well, and be sure to bring your cloak, as we may be away for more than one day."

Markos was shocked and surprised. It was to be the first time, since the precipitous carriage ride with Terentius from Brundisium two years ago, that he had left the villa.

'and the story continues – Gracchus – accompanied by Markos and Terentius – goes to Cumae to consult the Sibyl – only to receive a mysterious and baffling answer to his question…

XII. De Oraculo
12. The Oracle

'novum initium et finis'
The Cumaean Sibyl

In Cumis
At Cumae

Apollo was the patron god of Octavian Augustus, and the Sibyl was the prophetess of Apollo. Virgil's Aeneid, which refers specifically to Apollo, Cumae and the Sibyl, is written partly in praise of Octavian Augustus. After 36BC, Augustus refurbished the temple of Apollo at Cumae, and also the cave of the Sibyl.

Then to Apollo, a temple of solid marble shall I found,
and holy days, in the name of Phoebus*.
For you, too, there awaits a great shrine in our kingdom,
and here I shall place your oracle, and the riddling prophecies spoken to my people,
and to your service, O gracious one, I shall dedicate chosen priests.
Only do not consign your words to leaves,
to be confused and mocked by every wind that blows,
Sing them in your own voice, I beg of you.

Virgil – 'Aeneid'

Of course, as soon as the other slaves in the villa heard that Markos had left the villa, along with Gracchus, and his freedman Terentius, the rumours began once again.

Gracchus used the same carriage that Markos had rode in when he had been brought from Brundisium to the Villa. Markos, however, had no idea where they were going, or what the reason was for the trip, and he was too nervous to ask.

After the events of the convivium and the munera Markos didn't know what to think about Gracchus, Terentius and the events in the Villa. When young Cleon had regaled him with tales of 'debauchery' and 'mayhem', which he had described as occurring in the banqueting hall, Markos had thought that Cleon was exaggerating, making up 'scary' stories for a 'new boy'.

Since the convivium and the munera Markos knew that what Cleon had described was true, and he wished it wasn't, but for two competing reasons. On the one hand he had found it all frightening, knowing that Gracchus had the power to force him to take part in such possibly lethal displays, but on the other hand he had detected in himself a strange fascination, particularly with the munera, and also with the funerals that followed. It wasn't just the violence and the sexuality that attracted him, however, but also the mystery and and strangeness of the religious ritual which seemed, to Markos, to bring the aura of the Gods close to him for the first time.

Now, this trip to Cumae would have a similar effect on him, but also it would have ramifications and consequences that would effect him for the rest of his life, as you will see…

The carriage that they were riding in was, by Roman standards, luxurious and comfortable, an Roman version of a Rolls Royce or a Cadillac. Markos found the journey uncomfortable, however. This was not a physical discomfort, though. The carriage was provided with many well filled cushions, and blinds to keep out the dust from the road.

The discomfort for Markos was caused by the fact that the whole journey was completed in utter silence. Neither Gracchus, nor Terentius, who both looked serious and preoccupied, spoke a single word.

Fortunately, Cumae is only a few kilometres from Baiae, so Markos did not have to endure his discomfiture for long. After a short while Terentius leaned forward to Markos, and whispered in a conspiratorial tone, so as not to disturb Gracchus, who was obviously deep in thought: "This is Cumae!"

Markos knew about Cumae from his studies with his Latin tutor, Lucius, but had no idea that famous town was so close to the villa.

On their arrival at Cumae, Gracchus decided to have a light meal at a local hostelry. Markos was unceremoniously 'parked' at a table, which was laden with delicious delicacies, while Gracchus and Terentius stood some distance away, in the bright sunshine, apparently deep in conversation.

Eventually Gracchus and Terentius walked over to where Markos was sitting, and sat down opposite him.

"So, Markos, what do you know about Cumae?" Gracchus asked, seemingly a little more relaxed.

Marcus, surprised that Gracchus was finally speaking to him, cleared his throat, nervously, "Well, dominus, my Latin tutor has been teaching me about Virgil, and the Aeneid, where Aeneas goes to Cumae, and meets the Cumaean Sibyl. Lucius gave me the scrolls of the Aeneid to study, and I read there about the cave of the Sibyl."

Markos then decided to show off, and quoted a piece from the Aeneid that Lucius had got him to learn 'by heart'.

"A spacious cave, within its far most part, Was hew'd and fashion'd by laborious art Thro' the hill's hollow sides: before the place, A hundred doors a hundred entries grace; As many voices issue, and the sound Of Sybil's words as many times rebound."

Gracchus smiled. "That's very good, Markos! It seems that my tutors deserve their pay."

By now Markos, Gracchus and even Terentius were all smiling, and the earlier tension of the journey seemed to have lifted.

"Well, Markos, we are going to Apollo's temple first, and then to the cave that you have so eloquently described," Gracchus continued.

Markos, of course, was bursting to know the purpose of Gracchus' visit. Was it just a sightseeing visit, the like of which so many Greek and Roman tourists made, or was Gracchus intending to put a question to the Sibyl? and if it was a question, what was it about?

They finished their meal, Terentius paid the hostelry keeper, (Gracchus never handled money) and, returning to their carriage, they were taken to the Temple of Apollo.

In Virgil's Aeneid VI, Daedalus flies to Cumae, using his remarkable wings, and founds a temple there, dedicated to the god Apollo, and long afterwards Aeneas confronts the sculpted golden doors of the temple, and after 36BC, Augustus refurbished that temple, and also the cave of the Sibyl. In Greek mythology, Δαίδαλος, Daedalus ('to work artfully') was a skilful craftsman and artist. He is the father of Icarus. The most familiar literary telling of the story of Daedalus, explaining Daedalus' wings, later left in the temple, is a late one, that of the Roman poet Ovid: in his Metamorphoses (VIII:183-235). Daedalus set to work to fabricate wings for himself and his son Icarus. When both were prepared for flight, Daedalus warned Icarus not to fly too high, because the heat of the sun would melt the wax. However, the boy, forgetting himself, began to soar upward toward the sun. The blazing sun softened the wax which held the feathers together and they came off. Icarus quickly fell in the sea and drowned.

Markos thought the Temple of Apollo very beautiful. It was, in fact, very similar to the larger Temple of Apollo Palatinus that Augustus had built in Rome.

Octavian built the temple in thanks to his patron god, Apollo, faced in Carrara marble, in thanks for the victory over Sextus Pompeius at the Battle of Naulochus in 36 BC, and over Mark Antony and Cleopatra at the Battle of Actium 31 BC, and was built on a site where a lightning bolt had struck the interior of Augustus' property on the Palatine. It was dedicated on October 9 of 28 BC. Augustus' private house was directly connected to the terrace of the sanctuary via frescoed halls and corridors.

On arrival at the temple they were treated as honoured guests, as some of the priests (in this case flamines) at the temple were, in fact, clients of Gracchus (and two of the priests had attended the convivium celebrating the birth date of the Divine Augustus).

It must be understood that Roman priests were in no way like the sanctimonious, (and in many cases, celibate,) individuals who pass as priests in modern times. Rather, Roman priests were charged with performing the rituals of the Roman religion with exactness and scrupulous care, so as to maintain the gods' good will and support for Rome. They didn't necessarily have to understand the words, but there could be no mistake or untoward event; otherwise, the ceremony would have to be re-staged. They were, in many ways, administrative officials, often members of the government, rather than mediators between men and gods.

These priests were very respectful towards Gracchus, and fussed over Markos, who they knew had been Gracchus' 'cup-bearer' at the convivium, and who was therefore presumed to be Gracchus' 'favourite'.

Gracchus, having planned this trip sometime earlier, had prepared the way, and had ordered a new cult statue of Apollo to be created for the temple, (the model for the sculpture was young Petronius, the teenage gladiator who had fought in the munera for Augustus).

It was therefore no problem for Gracchus, along with Terentius and Markos, to be taken immediately to the cave of the Sibyl. The cave of the Sibyl was, to say the least, 'spooky'. The cave itself has many entrances, though not the hundred mentioned by Virgil, and is 5 meters [16 feet] high by 131 meters [430 feet] long, with several side galleries and cisterns. At the entrance there are cisterns, cut into the rock, and filled with water, where visitors could cleanse themselves before approaching the more sacred areas of the cave. There are also seats cut into the rock, where visitors could sit while they discussed matters with the priests.

While many groups and individuals visited the oracle, no one of note, (apart from Gracchus, now), had questioned the Sibyl since the visit by the Emperor Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (usually referred to as Claudius).

Undoubtedly, the one person who would have benefited from a consultation with the wise Sibyl would have been the wayward Nero, and perhaps, if he had listened to the advice of the oracle, he might have avoided the appalling fate that awaited him.

But that was all in the future, the future that Gracchus was so eager to know.

So… while Gracchus was in deep conversation with two of the priests of the oracle, and Terentius was organising a sacrifice on behalf of Gracchus, in the temple above, Markos wandered around the dark and dank cave, wondering, nervously, if he might 'bump into' the Sibyl.

The most disturbing aspect of the Sibylline cave was the echo. The slightest sound would reverberate, and then seem to return from everywhere, distorted and unreal. And this was, apparently, one way in which the oracle made its presence felt.

After what seemed to Markos an endless conversation, the priests left Gracchus sitting on one of the stone benches. They then went off into the bowels of the cave, presumably to give Gracchus' request to the Sibyl.

Markos stood uneasily, and watched his master, who sat patiently, while far above the sacrificial victims were being bled on the altar of Apollo on Gracchus' behalf. Markos also thought of the three boys, sacrificed at the munera ad Augustum, and wondered if their blood would have also assisted Gracchus in his search for answers.

The silence deepened, and seemingly also the darkness.

Then Markos could hear a voice, a woman's voice, muttering and moaning, as if troubled by dreams. The voice echoed strangely, and Markos was unable to distinguish any words, in either Greek or Latin. This, in fact, was the answer to Gracchus' question, but it would need the priests to interpret it.

The Sibyl, it was said, wrote her prophecies on leaves which, when blown about in the draughty caves, could mean almost anything, until deciphered by the priests. The prophecy would then be written out on vellum, and given to Gracchus, but only after the priests had discussed the contents of the oracular pronouncement with Gracchus.

At this point Terentius returned from the temple. And as Terentius arrived, Markos saw the leading priest return to where Gracchus was sitting. There then followed another one of those long discussions, and finally the priest was given a scroll by a slave, which he then handed, rather ceremoniously, to Gracchus.

Hesitantly, Gracchus unrolled it, and read, while the priest backed away, obviously trying to avoid any further questions.

The Latin of the Sibyl was weird and ungrammatical, having been translated from Oscan, the original ancient language of the Samnites. And this is what it said (in English):

Four shall seek to follow the path of the 'Comet Star',
and three, one fat and two bald, shall fall.
Then from the east shall come a saviour, and peace.
But you, Gracchus, shall be an end in the new beginning -
but not forever, and by your own hand -
for the 'golden boy from the sea', shall bring your name to life once more -
and all your works shall prosper.'

at the top of the scroll were the words novum initium et finis and at the bottom of the scroll were the words aurea puer ad mare (in correct Latin it would be: aureus puer de mari), meaning 'an end and a new beginning', and 'the golden boy from the sea'.

Significationes
Meanings

So what did it all mean?

Gracchus shook his head, completely puzzled. He handed the scroll to Terentius, who read it, at least twice, and then shrugged his shoulders. Both men were completely baffled.

Now this is not surprising.

Oracular pronouncements from the Olympian Gods were notoriously opaque, and often contained information that could be easily misinterpreted, bringing tragic consequences in some cases.

Obviously, as Markos was just a slave, (and a Roman patrician never went anywhere without at least a slave and a freedman), he was not shown the scroll, after all, it had nothing to do with him…

Gracchus, Terentius and Markos quickly made there way back to the temple of Apollo, where the carriage was waiting. Immediately they set off.

The journey back to the villa was very different to the 'silent' outward journey, and Gracchus and Terentius were deep in conversation. Markos 'listened in', without making it too obvious.

It seemed that fortunately, Gracchus had a very old friend, a 'client' of Oscan origins, Novius, who was well known for his knowledge of the auspices, oracles and Etruscan ritual. He had helped Gracchus in organising the munera ad Agustum, and would probably be willing to try to help decipher the Sibyl's pronouncements.

Apparently the only lead that Gracchus had was the phrase 'Comet Star', but he needed to get back to his study and consult his scrolls to be sure of the exact meaning of the phrase.

It was evening when the carriage arrived back at the villa. Faithful young Glykon was at the doors to the villa to greet them.

"I hope you had a successful trip, Dominus!" Glykon asked cheerfully, obviously 'fishing' for information.

"Yes! Very successful!" Gracchus replied, somewhat untruthfully, as he firmly grasped the baffling scroll.

Gracchus them thanked Markos very profusely for accompanying him, which thoroughly embarrassed Markos, particularly as Glykon was listening. Markos then went off to his room, trying to avoid any awkward questions from Glykon, (there would be enough of those in the morning), while Gracchus instructed Terentius to send a messenger-boy to Novius, asking him to visit the next morning.

Markos, of course, couldn't sleep.

He hadn't been shown the scroll, and so he had little idea of what it contained. Gracchus and Terentius, however, had been talking about a stella cometa (comet star) on the journey back to the villa, so in the end, Markos got out of bed and starting searching through his scrolls for that elusive phrase.

And he found a reference, to a comet sighted after the assassination of Gaius Julius Caesar, popularly known as Caesaris astrum.

Of all the ancient writers on comets, the one to emerge with most credit is Lucius Seneca, a Roman of the first century AD. Seneca contested Aristotle's view that comets were sudden fires, arguing instead that they were celestial bodies moving on orbits like planets and that they might reappear, given time. Prophetically he wrote: 'Men will some day be able to demonstrate in what regions comets have their paths, why they move so far from the planets, what is their size and constitution'.

Caesar's Comet was known at the time of our story as the Caesaris aster ('Star of Caesar'). Caesar's Comet was one of only five comets known to have had a negative absolute magnitude and may have been the brightest daylight comet in recorded history. It was not periodic and may have disintegrated.

Markos was puzzled. If the comet appeared after the assassination of Julius Caesar, did the reference to a comet in the oracle mean that Nero was to be assassinated?

What Markos didn't realize, however, was that initially the comet that appeared after Julius Caesar's death was popularly associated with the idea of the 'genius' of Gaius Julius Caesar, ascending to the Olympian heavens, thus confirming his divinity.

Subsequently, in January 42, the Senate pronounced Gaius Julius Caesar 'Divus Julius' (Divine Julius), thus officially confirming him as a god of the Roman people, and so the comet was no longer required as proof of his divinity. There was, however, a new Caesar, and Caesaris astrum then became the star of that new Caesar, Gaius Octavius, the 'Divine Augustus' celebrated at Gracchus' recent convivium.

In the light of this development, the Cometes stellae templum (Temple of the Comet Star), or more correctly Aedes Divi Iuli (Temple of the Divine Julius), was built by Octavian (Augustus).

The young Octavian (he was only just out of his teens) loved to be considered the real subject of any kind of 'Messianic' prophecies and accounts… so, during the public speech about the appearance of the comet, he specified that he, the new ruler of the world, was born (politically) at the very appearance of his 'father' Julius Caesar as a comet in the sky of Rome, and his (adoptive) 'father' was announcing his own (political) birth. So he was the one who had to be born under the comet, and whom the appearance of the comet was announcing. The temple therefore ended up representing both Julius Caesar, as a deified being, and Octavian himself, as the 'newborn' under the comet, and the 'comet-star' itself was an object of public worship.

But what had all this to do with Gracchus?, apart from the fact that he had recently held a convivium and munera in honor of Augustus (Octavian). Confused and wondering, Markos returned to his bed, and to dreams of flaming comets in the skies.

When morning came, it was back to the main entrance of the villa for Markos. Young Glykon, of course, was bubbling with questions. Markos felt that he had to be careful with his answers. He knew only too well that there were many rumours floating around the villa, and while he felt that he could trust Glykon, it was more than likely that the boy might let slip information that could cause problems.

Markos explained that they had gone to Cumae, to the temple of Apollo, to visit the priests, who were Gracchus' 'clients', and to discuss arrangements for the new cult statue of Apollo that Gracchus was having made. That seemed to be enough for Glykon, and Markos carefully made no mention of the Sibyl's cave, or the oracle.

Early on, an old man turned up at the doors of the Villa, and introduced himself to Glykon as Novius, saying that Gracchus was expecting him. It seems that earlier Terentius had advised Glykon that this 'client' would be arriving, and so Glykon asked Markos to escort Novius to the main atrium, and then inform Gracchus that his guest had arrived.

As usual, Markos was nervous as he walked down the corridor to the huge doors leading to Gracchus' study. The tall, muscular slave-boys who guarded the door, recognizing Markos, immediately opened the doors for him. Gracchus was there, and as usual he was sitting at his desk surrounded by numerous scrolls.

"Good morning Dominus!" Markos said, quietly. "Your client Novius is here to see you, as you requested."

"Excellent, Markos! Show him in straight away!"

Considering how perturbed Gracchus had seemed the previous evening, Markos was surprised to find him so bright and cheerful. So then Markos returned to the atrium, where Novius was waiting patiently.

"My master will see you now!" Markos said politely to the old, grey-haired gentleman.

The two of them then proceeded to Gracchus' study, where the doors were opened. Gracchus instantly rose from his desk.

"Nonius, my friend! Welcome!"

"Gnaeus Octavius! You look so well! It is so good to see you after all this time!"

Markos was surprised to hear someone address Gracchus by his first name, and it was obvious that the two men were old friends.

Gracchus turned to Markos. "Thank you Markos! You may leave us!"

And so, at least at that point, Markos was not to hear anything further about the oracle.

"Nice looking boy!" Novius said, once Markos had left the room.

"Is he new!" Novius asked, trying to be casual.

"Yes and he's a bit of a puzzle. But nothing like the puzzle that I've got for you this morning".

Gracchus looked intently at Novius.

"Now I don't want you to be offended. We've known each-other a long time, and I trust you, but you must promise not to say a word about the matter I wish to discuss with you to anyone!"

"Of course, Gnaeus!" Novius replied, intrigued by the secrecy.

"I want your advice about this!" Gracchus said dramatically, as he passed the scroll of the oracle to Novius.

Novius read the scroll carefully, at least twice.

"So this is from the Sibyl, yes?"

"How did you guess!" Gracchus asked, surprised.

"Well, the Latin is so strange, obviously the oracle was originally given in Oscan."

Oscan is an ancient Indo-European language of southern Italy. The language is also the namesake of the language group to which it belonged. As a member of the Italic languages, Oscan is therefore a sister language to Latin and Umbrian. Oscan was spoken by a number of tribes, including the Samnites, the Aurunci (Ausones), and the Sidicini. The latter two tribes were often grouped under the name 'Osci'. The language was spoken from approximately 500 BC to AD 100. Oscan had much in common with Latin, though there are also many striking differences, and many common word-groups in Latin were absent or represented by entirely different forms.

"So, you are right, but what does it mean?" Gracchus asked, leaning forward, and then speaking more quietly.

"Terentius and I have been puzzling over it all night, and all we can recognize in it is the 'comet-star', which we take to be Caesaris astrum, and that could make the document dangerous, because the 'comet star' was associated with an assassination, and we don't want any involvement with any plots regarding assassinations, particularly if they involve the Domus imperialis (the Imperial House)."

"Well I don't think that you need necessarily connect the Caesaris astrum with an assassination," Novius interjected.

"The text refers to 'the path of the comet star', which I would interpret as the path that the 'Divine Augustus' took, the path to Imperium, so it may suggest that there will be four individuals who will seek to be Emperor, probably around the same time," Novius explained, cautiously.

"Yes! And that implies the possibility of civil war!" Gracchus murmured.

"It seems so, and obviously only one will succeed."

"So what about this saviour from the East?" Gracchus asked.

"That's difficult. Perhaps a general from the eastern provinces, who brings an end to the civil war, but it's not clear if he will be one of the four," Novius opined.

"Well, if three have fallen, and one remains, then it seems likely that he is the 'saviour from the east'," Gracchus stated, feeling that he had neatly settled the matter.

"Probably!" Novius agreed.

"So what of the next section, which mentions me?" Gracchus then asked.

"That's difficult," Novius said, now looking very serious.

"I'm afraid to say that it may, just may, refer to your demise, but only after the upheavals mentioned at the beginning of the text."

"I see," Gracchus said thoughtfully.

"I think that is the meaning of the words 'novum initium et finis'." Novius added.

"Yes you may be right," Gracchus agreed.

"And what's all this business about a 'golden boy from the sea'," Gracchus asked tetchily.

"Well, you have many slave-boys. So, to be obvious, do any of them come from the sea!" Novius asked, smiling.

"Well no! Not that I know of," Gracchus answered, puzzled.

"Well, as a suggestion, the gold may refer to fair hair, or maybe skin color, or maybe the amount paid for the boy, in gold. They're just suggestions. As for the 'sea', I don't know," Novius continued.

Gracchus, however, was feeling very uneasy, and troubled.

"I really don't like this," he muttered. "The fair haired slave-boy who brought you here… He was bought in Crete for much 'gold,' and he was brought to the slave market by pirates, who captured him at 'sea'!" Gracchus said, weakly.

"Well, it looks like you have found your 'aurea puer ad mare'!" Novius said, with a glint in his eye.

"But the Sibyl! How would she know about a young slave-boy? Emperors and generals perhaps. Even Gracchus! But a mere slave-boy!" Gracchus groaned, becoming quite overwrought.

"My dear Gnaeus! Calm yourself! The great Apollo knows all things, and through his oracle at Cumae he will make known those things which men need to know. This 'mere' slave-boy, I feel, may be much more, and of great importance to you. As the oracle says, 'he shall bring your name to life once more, and all your works shall prosper' and that shall be 'by your own hand'. So take this boy 'in hand', while you still have time, for he may be your salvation, in a way that none now can even imagine."

Gracchus sat stunned. It was almost as if Apollo himself had spoken through his dear old friend Novius.

There was silence in the room for a moment. Novius then rose from his seat.

"I must go now, Gnaeus. I fear I have maybe said too much. But we should meet again, soon, for I think that momentous events shall soon transpire."

And with that he quietly left Gracchus' study.

'and the story continues – after the day at Cumae, the message from the Sibyl and Novius' alarming explanation of the scroll, Gracchus finds himself in a position where he has to plan for an uncertain, and difficult future – that will have profound implications for young Markos.

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