Pueros

Tamerlane's Boys

Chapter 40
Legacies

I

(Samarkand, Uzbekistan, present day)

The writer, however, knew that Tamerlane's true perpetual historical legacy actually depended more on his taste for certain beautiful boys than for splendid architecture.

(Outside Ankara, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], over 6 centuries previously, July 1402)

(Samarkand, Transoxiana [in modern Uzbekistan], 42½ years later, Winter 1444)

The young visitor very carefully and silently approached the old man and then gently placed his right hand on the 67 year-old's left shoulder. Despite the gentleness of his touch and the fact that he had never yet managed to surprise the writer in similar circumstances, the 10 year-old intruder still harboured ambitions that the sexagenarian would jump in surprise.

The young visitor believed that the writer could not possibly have detected by normal human means his extremely furtive approach. However, the old man simply carried on working, reacting to the touch only by whispering, without looking to see who had arrived, "Hello, Little Arman!"

"Damn! Despite my best efforts," Little Arman announced in response, with clear exasperation evident in his voice, "you still sensed me coming. How do you that, Uncle?" The 10 year-old had asked the same question many times previously and had always received the same answer. However, as he liked the reply, he never tired of enquiring, just as his father and grandfather had also both done when younger.

Little Arman was rewarded for the question by a turn of his honorary great uncle's head and the appearance, sparkling in the sunlight streaming in from a nearby window, of still peerlessly sensual, shining blue eyes. The elderly man's refined face then exhibited one of his famous, completely disarming smiles.

"As usual in such circumstances, Little Arman," Vissarion declared, patiently happy to satisfy the boy's addiction, as he had done many times previously with both him and the child's father and grandfather, "I didn't detect your approach with any of my normal senses. Something else deep inside instead happily told me that you were close!"

"What do you think causes such feelings?" Little Arman yet again asked, to receive his usual delicious reward. Vissarion's disarming smile grew broader, before he obliged the boy by responding with one word, namely "Love!"

Little Arman's grip on his beloved 'Great Uncle' Vissarion's shoulder immediately became tighter on hearing this word, and dampness invaded his young sensuous brown eyes. The boy therefore decided to move quickly onto a different subject before he became too embarrassingly emotional.

"What are you doing?" Little Arman enquired. "I've been writing the formal invitations for February's 40^th anniversary event but I've now moved on to updating my master's biography in case any of the guests would like to read it," Vissarion replied, referring to just one of the very important legacies he would leave to the world. The elderly Georgian eunuch still called Tamerlane 'master' despite the fact that he had, for many years since the conqueror's death, very loyally and efficiently served two other highly important men, as well as helping others of significance to fulfil their destinies.

"The ink's still wet on my recent writings," Vissarion added, "so I beg you not to touch them yet. Instead, if you want to read something, my older work is over there!" The elderly Georgian was referring to a large pile of scrolls situated on a nearby tabletop.

Little Arman possessed a natural intellect as excellent as that of his father and grandfather. He therefore appreciated that, after in his eagerness arriving earlier then scheduled to hear one of Vissarion's famous stories, the elderly Georgian was diplomatically hinting that he would appreciate being left to continue his current work for a while longer before finishing for the day. The boy consequently responded "I'll happily read some of your older scrolls, Uncle, whilst I wait for you to finish!"

"Please do so then, my dear boy," the still smiling Vissarion politely replied, before turning his noble head back to his current work. Little Arman, who was already proficiently literate, then picked up at random one of the many scrolls on the nearby table.

After unfolding the parchment, Little Arman began to recognise that the record, inscribed years previously in Vissarion's neat handwriting, referred to Tamerlane's great victory at Ankara, plus the aftermath.

(Ankara, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], 42½ years previously, July 1402)

Mehmet was again surprised by the sudden withdrawal to a respectful distance of Tamerlane's warriors, in response to the loud shouted orders of the returning officer in his mid-20s, who had previously invited the prince to surrender. However, on this occasion, the 13 year-old Ottoman was more startled by the dazzling youth with the golden hair and sparkling blue eyes, who accompanied his darker featured comrade.

Mehmet could not recall seeing such a beautiful person of either gender before, even amongst his father's harem. The startling sight was made even more awe-inspiring by a narrow shaft of sunlight protruding downwards from the ominous black clouds above, which miraculously solely illuminated the gorgeous youth.

"Is this an angel come to take us to heaven?" Vladimir, equally smitten by the marvellous sight, asked of Mehmet.

Accepting the existence of God's Angels is one of the six key tenets of Islamic belief. The others are belief in Allah Himself, His Other Messengers, His Books, His control over mortal predestination and the 'Last Day'.

All of the Islamic God's Angels, of whom the greatest is Gabriel, are said to be impeccably beautiful and pure, or 'dhoo mirrah', which means 'free from any defect in body or mind'. The idea that such heavenly messengers are exquisite is firmly established with all Muslims, so much so that they often liken an extremely good-looking human to them.

Such a common attitude is exemplified by what was supposedly suggested by Muslim women about the Islamic Prophet Yoosuf. The latter reported in his own memoirs in the third person [12: 31] "When they saw him, they did extol him and….said: 'Allah preserve us! No mortal is this! This is none other than a noble angel!'"

Consequently, Vladimir, born a Christian but reared in the Islamic faith, was now only following common Muslim practice when he saw the beautiful messenger. However, before Mehmet could answer his Slav servant's question, the divine vision spoke.

"Majesty," advised Vissarion, "I have been sent by Tamerlane himself to accept your surrender." However, as soon as the young Ottoman prince had recovered from his shock at perceiving that the speaker was mortal, the sublime Georgian then received the same brave refusal that Arman had obtained previously from the courageous Mehmet.

Vissarion, however, had come armed with a weapon to tackle the prince's attitude that was far more powerful than any of those wielded by Tamerlane's redoubtable soldiers. The Georgian's personal arsenal included important knowledge.

"Majesty," Vissarion, who was now 25 years of age but still retained the resplendent looks of a truly angelic youth, an attribute that could also be applied to his character, answered, "your father, Bayezid, brother, Musa, and the Sultana Olivera have all been captured alive." There was then a relative silence in the immediate vicinity, as Mehmet absorbed this appalling news. The local quietude was only disturbed by the sounds of continued fighting elsewhere on the bloody battlefield, plus that of distant thunder, which the prince now thought must truly signal the demise of his imperial house, the Ottomans.

Mehmet finally replied by accusing the human angel of lying, even though somehow he perceptively knew that the beautiful being was speaking the truth. The brave prince then defiantly added "Anyway, I do not propose to let myself be captured. I fight to the death!" However, Vissarion had anticipated such a courageous response and had already formulated his reply.

"With all due respect, Majesty," Vissarion shouted, "the Sultan and Sultana, in the shame of their capture, will need comforting. Are you so selfish that you put your own personal honour and pride above the interests of your father and his wife in their hour of need? Your place is now with them, not needlessly dying here!"

"But Tamerlane will kill us all anyway," Mehmet retorted, not unreasonably given the conqueror's dreadful reputation, "whilst annexing our Empire." However, Vissarion immediately refuted this charge. "My master, Majesty, has no intention of taking any such action," the Georgian answered truthfully, "but rather intends to treat your captured family well and eventually establish an honourable and lasting peace with your imperial house, as well as with other local nobles."

Vissarion knew Tamerlane's intent because, in anticipation of victory at Ankara, the Georgian had actually already formulated the future policy that his master had agreed to adopt in respect of the Ottomans and their domains. Subsequent legends that the conqueror had caged the captive Bayezid I and forced the Sultana Olivera to serve her captor naked at the dinner table in front of her husband were nothing but malicious false fables.

It is conceivable that Tamerlane might previously, when younger, have rejoiced in his Ottoman opponent's capture and humiliation. He might even have enjoyed caging such a prominent prisoner and compounding his misery by insisting that his most beautiful wife should serve him naked at dinner in front of her husband. However, the conqueror was approaching his 67th year and his attitude to such matters was currently strongly affected by feelings of mortality. He now wished to leave behind as decent a reputation as possible as a legacy to posterity, as well as to ease his passage to paradise. He knew that treating fellow Muslim rulers disgracefully might rebound on his posthumous standing in the Islamic world and be insulting to Allah.

Perhaps even more importantly for Tamerlane, there was also the wise and considerate Vissarion to consider and placate. His beloved Georgian now wielded an inescapably immense moderating influence on his master's actions and the eunuch would have deeply disapproved of the infliction of degrading treatment on the vanquished Ottomans.

"Anyway, Majesty," Vissarion commented to Mehmet, "if Tamerlane wanted to kill you, he would do so now and not bother to despatch me to parley with you about your surrender. I've been sent because he recognises that the Ottoman house, including your father and yourself, will, despite today's defeat, still have a major role to play in ruling this part of the world. My master has no local territorial ambitions, just a desire for peace on his western borders whilst he fights infidels in the east." The Georgian was, of course, referring to the conqueror's ambitions to attack China.

Mehmet was not entirely convinced by all of the human angel's arguments. However, one, which suggested that he had a duty to be at the side of the captured Sultan and Sultana at this time of peril for his family, resonated within his young soul. The young prince realised the truthfulness of this assertion and so his resolve to fight to the death now shattered, as was exemplified by his next declaration.

"I refuse to surrender my arms or banner!" Mehmet declared, whilst indicating that he was now otherwise prepared to give himself up. "You do not need to, Majesty," Vissarion replied, "for all I ask is that you and your brave entourage sheath your weapons and come with me to enjoy the hospitality of my master's encampment. There, you'll also be reunited with the Sultan and Sultana and your brother, Musa, at the earliest opportunity."

Shortly afterwards, Tamerlane, who was still watching the scene from the nearby incline, saw four boys, one of whom was still proudly bearing his prince's banner, being escorted north towards the conqueror's base-camp. He smiled broadly and, turning to some of his generals, asked, with clear happiness in his voice and whilst referring to his beloved Vissarion, "Is there a more skilful diplomat in this world than that beautiful young man?"

If the generals concerned had disagreed with the sentiment behind Tamerlane's rhetorical question, none, of course, would dare to say so. However, as it happens, even the most jealous amongst them could not deny the inherent veracity of the suggestion, for Vissarion had on many other occasions already demonstrated his skilled wisdom in diplomacy and other spheres of high politics.

As a result of Vissarion's newest diplomatic success, the Georgian would forever be considered an angel of salvation by a certain quartet of boys. His latest achievement also undoubtedly changed history.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana [in modern Uzbekistan], 42½ years later, Winter 1444)

Little Arman now simply had to learn what had happened to Mehmet and the other Ottomans after the battle of Ankara. The smiling Vissarion was content to wait for the lovely boy to find out, as well as to learn a lot of other relatively recent history.

(Outside Ankara, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], 42½ years previously, July 1402)

Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and their young master and fellow captive, Prince Mehmet, were personally escorted by the blonde, blue-eyed 'angel', assisted by some of Arman's men, to Tamerlane's huge and very busy base-camp. Here, close to the dammed River Cubukcay, the quartet of young prisoners was afforded a large and comfortable but heavily guarded tent.

As promised, none of the boy captives had been disarmed and Mehmet's banner, held proudly by Vladimir, had also not been taken away. The standard was instead planted in the ground next to their new temporary canvas home.

"Where's my father," Mehmet had dutifully asked of Vissarion immediately after arrival in the encampment, "as I must see him? As you've suggested, he'll need my comfort at this time."

"I'm sure he does, Majesty," Vissarion answered without sarcasm, "and I'll arrange for you to see him as soon as possible. However, although I assure you that my news of his capture is true, I'm not certain, amidst the confusion of battle, where he is currently being held."

"I'll try to find out where he is, Majesty," Vissarion continued, "but your reunion with your father might need to wait until the current battle is completely over, as there's presently much chaos and still some danger. Please be patient and I'll take you to him as soon as I can."

Mehmet was unaccustomed to such delays in meeting his requests. However, there was something in the deportment of the blonde 'angel' that encouraged the young Ottoman to bite his lip and obey the suggestion to be patient and wait.

After all, the beautiful and pleasant captor, quite reasonably from his perspective, could not realistically be expected to comply with Mehmet's demands if they endangered the security of the important boy captive. The prince incorrectly believed that the dreaded Tamerlane would surely have the wondrous 'angel' horribly executed if, amidst all of the battlefield confusion, he permitted a situation to arise whereby the immensely significant Ottoman prisoners were harmed or contrived escape.

Having reached agreement with his important boy captive, Vissarion then departed from the tent to rejoin his master, who was continuing to oversee the successful conclusion of the battle. Meanwhile, a deeply disconsolate Mehmet turned to Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran and asked "What do you think will happen now? Can the blonde youth's word that Tamerlane will not harm the Sultan, the Sultana, my brother and ourselves really be trusted?"

Given Tamerlane's appalling reputation for atrocities, none of Mehmet's friends actually believed that the dreaded conqueror could possibly be so compassionate. However, they were currently too concerned for their prince's mental and physical welfare to confess to this conviction.

(Outside Ankara, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], next day)

At just 14 years of age, Johann had joined the entourage of the local knight, Lienhart Richartinger, as a baggage attendant and went off on Crusade with him to fight the Turks before being captured by them at the battle of Nicopolis. Now, after the Ottoman defeat at Ankara, the handsome young Bavarian was in the hands of the forces of the dreaded Tamerlane.

Johann stood out from the other Ottoman captives because of his fair, blonde, blue-eyed features, which caused Tamerlane himself to notice him when the dreaded conqueror inspected the large number of prisoners. These pleasant physical attributes now caused the young Bavarian to embark upon a remarkable career of service, which was to involve much travelling.

As was evidenced by the existence of his famous boys, Tamerlane liked handsome young males in his intimate service. Given Johann Schiltberger's early occupational background, the conqueror therefore enlisted the Bavarian as one of the servants responsible for his personal baggage, including the erection of his huge tent whenever his army encamped.

Johann Schiltberger was also to provide other erection services for his new master. As he had demonstrated when in the service of the Ottomans and would exhibit elsewhere, the young Bavarian was skilled in acclimatising to whatever befell him in life and he therefore quickly adapted to being a menial member of Tamerlane's wider entourage. The 22 year-old was, of course, stimulated into such speedy, efficient absorption of his latest circumstances by realisation of what the alternative would comprise, which would undoubtedly entail the loss of his very handsome head.

As Johann Schiltberger had additionally demonstrated in Bursa, he was not averse to using his obvious physical allures to better his life. The young Bavarian was consequently quite happy to provide Tamerlane, whom he could tell was attracted to him, with occasional sexual relief, usually by use of his well-practised lips and tongue.

Johann Schiltberger had even taken the lead by initially seducing Tamerlane, whom he had one day caught alone, glancing at him lecherously. The young Bavarian had then possessed the confident bravado to approach the dreaded conqueror to advise him "All you have to do, Lord, is command me and I'm yours!"

The lustful Tamerlane had required no second invitation and he quickly retired somewhere quiet with his handsome Bavarian baggage handler, who was soon on his knees sucking his master's hard cock for the first but certainly not last time. Johann Schiltberger was, as always, motivated by anticipating rewards for such additional duties and, as previously in Bursa, his expectations were not great, usually consisting of hoping for more favoured treatment, such as a lighter workload and better food. The worldly conqueror, who fully recognised the reasons behind his new servant's willingness to perform certain extra tasks, did not disappoint him.

Although Johann was a lot older than Tamerlane's normal previous liking for pretty boys, the ageing conqueror's tastes had somewhat broadened of late, in line with the gradual ageing of his current cluster of catamites. Accordingly, he delighted in being the recipient of occasional fellatio from such a handsome young man, who was not dissimilar to Vissarion in appearance.

The 66 year-old Tamerlane could accommodate Johann within his sexual schedule because of alternative demands on the time of his other boys. Vissarion had many official duties to perform, as well as continuing his nightly storytelling to the now 8 year-old Ulugbeg, who had accompanied his father and grandfather on campaign. Meanwhile, Nicolai now spent more time with the still hostage Ahmed and Krishnan than he did with his master. Rezan and Haluk had also become the most intimate of friends, a situation that the considerate conqueror did not seek to disturb too often, whilst the sadly nullified Rahu had always been more a highly conscientious watchful young guard than bed-companion.

Consequently, Johann Schiltberger became an accepted member of his new master's wider personal entourage, with the services he rendered extending to those of a sexual kind. However, the young Bavarian never became so trusted and intimate that he was permitted to live in the conqueror's tent. He therefore could not be truly regarded as being one of Tamerlane's boys.

(Inside Ankara, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], 1 week later)

The opening of Ankara's gates was negotiated by the wily Vissarion, who had again used the proverbial stick and carrot in the diplomatic interchanges. He was assisted by the fact that the city's leaders knew that the siege equipment and expertise of the dreaded Tamerlane's formidable forces would not now take long to launch a successful assault. They therefore believed that it might be unwise to continue to test the conqueror's patience much longer.

Vissarion had played on these rightful fears, whilst offering relatively generous surrender terms, to obtain Ankara's speedy capitulation. In return for Tamerlane's forces refraining from looting and pillaging, the agreement required the city to provide hefty tribute and copious hospitality, including accommodation appropriate to their status for the captured Ottomans.

By now, Mehmet had been reunited with his father. However, the reunion was short, as Bayezid I was too depressed by the disgraceful shame of his defeat and capture alive to spend much time with his family. The Sultan just wanted to suffer his deep melancholy alone, with even Olivera being granted little time in her husband's presence.

Bayezid I's depression had been compounded by a short meeting he had with the victorious Tamerlane, despite the fact that the latter acted without any cruelty, haughtiness or gloating. The conqueror was instead rather civil and magnanimous. However, it was the message he conveyed that distressed his most important prisoner.

Tamerlane truthfully informed Bayezid I that he had no ambitions of trying to hold onto conquered Ottoman lands. This declaration resulted from Vissarion's advice that any attempts to retain such territories might dangerously over-stretch Timurid resources, especially if his master retained ambitions of attacking China. However, the Sultan's sudden hopes that a return to the previous status quo might instead be permitted were quickly dashed.

"I cannot allow you to have your Empire back intact," Tamerlane had advised Bayezid I in the only meeting that ever occurred between the pair, "in case, regardless of any pledges you might now give to the contrary, you return to causing me trouble on my western borders." The conqueror, in line with Vissarion's sage counsel, believed that he could not risk a restored Ottoman ruler reneging on a peace agreement and seeking revenge instead for the humiliating defeat at Ankara.

"I therefore propose to divide your Empire up between yourself, your sons and some of the local princely families from whom the Ottomans originally acquired lands," Tamerlane continued, outlining the policy actually formulated by his beloved Vissarion. Bayezid I was politically perceptive enough immediately to realise the clever reasoning behind such proposals.

The Sultan's ambitious sons and the other reinstated local rulers would undoubtedly be unwilling to give up their fiefdoms once Tamerlane had withdrawn. There would therefore be little chance of a subsequent voluntary reunification of the original Ottoman Empire.

There would undoubtedly also be friction between the new rulers, as they manoeuvred for more land and power. Consequently, they would be too occupied in regional squabbles to be a major threat again to Tamerlane, just as the shrewd Vissarion had surmised. The proposals additionally provided useful religious propaganda to improve the conqueror's reputation amongst fellow Muslims because, by returning some territories to the previous ruling families, they presented him as playing the role of regional Islamic legitimist.

In view of his current role, it is perhaps ironic that Vissarion was, along with another former enemy of the Ottomans, later to play a significant part in ensuring that his own policy for the region was eventually reversed. Such a volte-face by the Georgian, which stemmed from a new close friendship, was to represent another of his key legacies because it was to have considerable repercussions for subsequent history.

(Outside Ankara, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], shortly afterwards)

As Vissarion teasingly gently stroked Tamerlane's rampant cock, between providing the rigid member with occasional oral titillation, he advised his master "I could tell, Lord, that you fancied the younger prince and his three brave servants!" The Georgian was referring to the fact that, in addition to visiting Bayezid I, the conqueror had politely paid his respects to the other important Ottoman captives, including Mehmet, who was, of course, attended by Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran.

"Yes," Tamerlane replied, whilst displaying a broad grin, which was not just associated with the pleasant manual and oral attention Vissarion was providing to his needy cock. The conqueror then added, with deliberate falsehood, "It's therefore personally distressing that you've persuaded me not to rape and pillage after my latest victory!"

Tamerlane was rewarded for his fib by the sight of Vissarion's peerless blue eyes happily peering at him above one of his favourite boy's completely disarming smiles. "I'll therefore have to compensate you, Lord, for your forbearance," the Georgian eunuch then announced, before affording his master's cock prolonged and ultimately productive oral attention, whilst the conqueror gently caressed the long silky blonde hair on the gorgeous head providing such immense pleasure.

(Outside Ankara, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], 1 week later)

The five eunuchs amongst this youthful and energetic group were, in such company, completely unconcerned about displaying the gelded nature of their sexual organs. After all, the other, genitally whole quintet of pretty boys, in the form of Mehmet, Kiril, Zoran, Rezan and Ahmed, were now quite accustomed to such sights.

Mehmet, Kiril and Zoran had shared their burgeoning sex lives with each other, as well as with the castrated Vladimir. Rezan had frequently experienced the favours of Tamerlane's eunuchs, whilst Ahmed had Krishnan and now Nicolai often in his bed. The ten were therefore cooling off on this very hot summer day, by swimming in a lake temporarily created by the damming of the River Cubukcay, without any regard whatsoever about who possessed balls and vice-versa.

There was something special about Mehmet that had encouraged Vissarion to take particular interest in the captive boy's welfare. Since the conclusion of the battle of Ankara, where the Ottoman prince had demonstrated much bravery, the Georgian had therefore regularly visited the young prisoner.

At first, such visits were cordial but strained. After all, Vissarion and Mehmet represented different sides of an argument, as well as respectively gaoler and prisoner. However, the Georgian's personality proved as disarmingly sparkling as his gorgeous blue eyes and smile and soon the emotional barriers to burgeoning friendship were being removed. This development was to extend to Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran and was also to prove fateful.

Despite the increasingly good welcome his visits gained from Mehmet, Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, Vissarion had recognised that the Ottoman prince was understandably becoming very morose within the confines of his palatial prison inside Ankara. The 25 year-old had consequently on this day secured Tamerlane's permission to let the boy and his personal entourage ride in the surrounding countryside, accompanied by the Georgian and some of his own friends, Nicolai, Haluk, Rezan, Ahmed and Krishnan, who were not currently engaged on duties elsewhere.

Vissarion, who was a good judge of character, naturally secured Mehmet's word of honour that he would not try to escape. The Georgian correctly assumed that this particular Ottoman prince, unlike Musa whom he did not trust, would not disgrace himself by breaking his oath. As for Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, it really did not matter whether such currently relatively inconsequential boys did flee, although the 25 year-old eunuch somehow rightly appreciated that they were too loyal to their young master to make any such attempt.

The horseback ride on the arid Cubukcay plain, under the unrelentingly hot overhead summer sun, readily made the appearance of the temporary lake, located in a quiet, secluded setting, a very inviting prospect for ten sweaty young males. Even the two young princes in the party, Mehmet and Ahmed, did not demur from accepting Vissarion's invitation to go swimming, happily stripping off their clothes to do so, and the lengthy joy and laughter filled event represented the culminating change in the relationships between them all.

Whilst some of the ten entered the refreshingly cool water already friends and even lovers, others were basically strangers. However, when lovely, glistening naked bodies subsequently briefly sunbathed to recover some energy and to dry their damp young skin in order to be able to redress after their fun, the situation had become different.

None were now strangers but instead all were friends. This happy situation would later fatefully become closer and prove to be lifelong, a circumstance that would eventually extend to the currently missing 25 year-old Arman and the two 19 year-olds, Teimuraz and Rahu, who were presently engaged elsewhere, performing duties for Tamerlane.

(Trebizond, Anatolia [modern Trabzon in Turkey], same time)

Trebizond's relative safety during such bellicose times was assisted by its situation, as a barrier of rugged mountains separated the city and its narrow hinterland from the rest of Anatolia. The local watershed was so complete that no rivers passed inland beyond these ranges and there were few easy routes from the coast to the interior of Asia Minor.

Local geographical security was also increased by the fact that Trebizond was located on a narrow sloping tableland, or 'trapezus' in Greek, from which word the city's name derived. Protective steep, rocky valley precipices ran to the sea on the east and west sides of the metropolis.

Massive walls edged these cliffs and the northern seafront, whilst at a southern high point of the tableland on which medieval Trebizond stood, a castle supported the defences. Further up, at the peak where a neck of land stretched between the two valleys, there was an additional formidable keep, supported by other satellite towers beyond the bridged ravines.

Trebizond was also relatively fortunate with the local climate. Conditions were generally temperate, albeit often humid, unlike that of the inland regions, which were exposed to great extremes of summer heat and winter cold.

The caravans to the east began their long journeys from the easterly harbour, where at certain times of the year long trains of mules and camels could be seen, as wheeled vehicles could not traverse the surrounding mountains. The route followed by these slow convoys invariably headed first for the inland city of Erzerum, from where wagons could then be used.

By 1402, Trebizond's awkward location and formidable defences had enabled the city to defy all enemies and remain independent for almost two centuries. Even Tamerlane had decided to leave the place alone in return for some tribute.

Trebizond's happy situation would continue for another 59 years until the forces of the grandson of a major character in this saga finally captured the city and absorbed it within his own growing empire. He was aided by the rather cowardly early surrender of the last ruler, Emperor David.

Trebizond's imperial family had earlier assisted the survival of their fiefdom in several wise ways. For example, they never became too ambitious about increasing the size of their state beyond its natural borders and they tried to remain on friendly terms with neighbours. The latter objective was aided by their famed familial physical beauty, which made their princesses much prized, enabling them to use such pleasant attributes to forge important marital alliances with other regional rulers.

The ruling family lived amidst much luxury and elaborate ceremonial in a palace that was renowned for its magnificence, as well as for being a hotbed of intrigue and immorality. They were also patrons of art, architecture and learning, thereby attracting to Trebizond many people eminent in these fields. Consequently, many magnificent paintings, frescoes and statues decorated both their residences and their city's public amenities, whilst the imperial library was full of valuable manuscripts and the whole metropolis was adorned with large numbers of splendid buildings and open spaces. Writers of the time speak with enthusiasm of lofty towers, attractive churches and monasteries and, most especially, the copious verdant gardens, orchards and olive groves.

Amongst the commentators who was to put his plentiful praise of medieval Trebizond into writing, as one of own his legacies to posterity, was Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo. The Spaniard was presently disembarking from his galley onto the quayside of the city's harbour.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had wisely decided not to land elsewhere in currently war-torn Anatolia in his effort to visit Tamerlane's court as ambassador for King Henry III of Castile. He had instead encouraged the captain of his galley to sail from the Aegean, through the Dardanelles, Sea of Marmara and Bosporus, briefly visiting Constantinople as he did so. The vessel then entered the Black Sea and proceeded along the northern coast of Asia Minor to the peaceful enclave of Trebizond.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo intended to stay in Trebizond until he deemed it safe to travel beyond its borders, when he proposed to join one of the caravans heading east. The city was a logical choice for such sanctuary, and not just because it currently enjoyed peace, whilst many locations elsewhere in Anatolia suffered grievous strife, or was the terminus of an important trading route. The metropolis also had many links with the Spaniard's homeland. This situation had origins in the fact that some Iberian mercenaries had helped the ruling family to capture the place and had subsequently settled locally, providing the area with a significant Hispanic minority.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo conjectured that Tamerlane would eventually return to Samarkand after concluding his war against the Ottomans. The Castilian envoy had therefore sagely concluded that he should seek to present his ambassadorial credentials in the conqueror's Transoxianan capital, for reasons of both diplomatic decorum and personal safety. He believed that the alternative, of trying to intercept the infamous man whilst he was campaigning with his army, was simply too dangerous.

Consequently, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo settled in decent accommodation within Trebizond's Iberian quarter to await the right time to venture east to exotic Samarkand.

(Aksehir, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], 8 months later, 8^th March 1403)

For security reasons, Tamerlane did not want his important Ottoman prisoners detained too far from where his main army was located. Such an unwise situation might have stimulated an attempt by loyal Turks to rescue the captive members of the imperial family.

As Tamerlane succeeded in his aim of squashing local resistance in Anatolia, he forced Bayezid I's older sons, Suleyman and Isa, to flee with the surviving remnants of the Turkish army from Asia over the Dardanelles onto the European mainland. Here, the escaped Ottoman princes began to conduct their affairs from their father's capital, Edirne.

Amongst the challenges now faced by Suleyman and Isa was trying to retain the remaining Ottoman lands in the Balkans. The latter would undoubtedly suffer fresh attacks from European Christian princes determined to regain suzerainty over the territories.

As Tamerlane moved through Anatolia, strengthening his position on the peninsular, Bayezid I, Sultana Olivera and Princes Musa and Mehmet eventually ended up southwest of Ankara in Aksehir. This town was near a large lake of the same name.

Aksehir is still famous as being the town where the 13th century humorist, Nasrettin Hoca, lived most of his life and where his mausoleum stands. The local Ulu Mosque also dates from the same period.

Nasrettin Hoca was famous for his humorous stories, many of which involved his wife. For example, one tale related how he was once very ill, apparently close to death. His spouse was very concerned and came to his bed crying. When her poorly husband saw her sobbing, he said "Why are you crying my dear? Go put on your best clothes, do your hair nicely, put some colour on your face and smile!" "But why," the woman asked, "as I can't do that, not while you're in pain!" The man grinned back and advised "My dear, I want you to do it because, if Azrail [the Islamic Angel of Death] comes, he will see how beautiful you are in these fine clothes, looking like an angel or a peacock. He therefore might take you instead of me and leave me here!"

Like many similar towns of the era, Aksehir possessed protective walls and a castle. The latter was, by March 1403, 8 months after the battle of Ankara, the temporary home of Bayezid I, Sultana Olivera and Princes Musa and Mehmet. All of these important prisoners, contrary to later false rumours, remained very well treated.

Bayezid I, however, remained very depressed. The nature and humiliation of his defeat and capture by Tamerlane had shaken him to the core. He also despised the thought that the victor was going to dismantle his empire, which his Ottoman family, including himself, had literally fought so hard to garner.

Bayezid I's depression was further exacerbated by recognition of how unpopular he had become amongst certain Islamic sections of Turkish society. He now appreciated that it had ironically been the ethnic Christian elements of his army, in the form of the Janissaries and his Serbian allies, who had fought most valiantly on his behalf at the battle of Ankara. Meanwhile, many of the pure Muslim contingents had either deserted to the enemy or been amongst the first to flee, even before the Sultan had given orders to Suleyman to conduct a tactical withdrawal.

Bayezid I now realised that such treacherous and cowardly actions were partly indicative of his unpopularity amongst certain Muslims. The Sultan was the product of a Christian mother and he also possessed wives of that faith, such as the Serb, Olivera, and some of the hostility exhibited towards him by fellow adherents of Islam was stimulated by his supposed favouring of such infidels.

Bayezid I's alleged liking for Christians was said to be exemplified by the fact that three of his four sons possessed names with Biblical associations. Suleyman equated to Solomon, Isa to Jesus and Musa to Moses. The fact that many holders of key posts in the Sultan's court, wider bureaucracy and military were, like the Janissaries, of infidel birth also caused much resentment amongst the Islamic hierarchy.

Many of the Muslim upper classes believed that Bayezid I allowed people with Christian origins far too much influence at the expense of true believers. The Islamic aristocracy, some of whose personal fiefdoms had been forcibly absorbed within the Ottoman Empire, also did not appreciate the Sultan's autocratic style of government, which had at least substantially reduced if not eradicated their own power and influence.

By the time that Bayezid I was imprisoned in comfortable confinement in Aksehir's castle, his mental distress was rightfully alarming his captive wife, Olivera, and youngest son, Mehmet, who both tried their best to console and comfort the Sultan. Their attempts to do so were notably not assisted by the much less concerned but highly ambitious Musa. Their efforts also ultimately and unfortunately proved in vain.

On the 8^th of March 1403, Olivera found her husband dead in bed. Bayezid I had taken some poison that had been secreted amongst his possessions.

Later, all sorts of untruthful rumours circulated about how Bayezid I had met his end. A few eventually consolidated into false legends that are believed by some people today. For example, there are tall stories about how the Sultan, imprisoned in his entirely fictitious cage and in despair at his humiliation and that of his captured family, especially Olivera, beat his head so savagely against the bars that he inflicted fatal wounds on himself. Other tales suggest that Tamerlane poisoned his rival ruler.

The truth is that, amidst his depression, Bayezid I killed himself, leaving behind his four sons to squabble over his severely damaged legacy. Few expected the Ottomans to be resurgent, at least in the foreseeable future. However, such pessimists presently did not realise how certain boyhood friendships would help to prove them wrong.

(Trebizond, Anatolia [modern Trabzon in Turkey], a few months later, Summer 1403)

By now, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, who was of the Roman Catholic faith, had seen all of the varied sites of medieval Trebizond, including the Byzantine churches, such as that of the 'Panaghia Chrysokephalos', or 'Virgin of the Golden Head'. The latter was a large but rather plain building, which is now a mosque.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had also ventured to the other side of the eastern ravine that formed one of Trebizond's natural defences, where the smaller but nicer church of St. Eugenius, the patron saint of the city, stood. This is also now a mosque.

About 2 miles to the west of Trebizond, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo additionally visited the more important Haghia Sophia, which occupied a prominent position overlooking the sea. Although nowhere near as big or splendid as its namesake in Constantinople, this church was rather handsome, with ornamented porches and a tall campanile, the inner walls of which were partly covered with ornate religious frescoes. However, the most remarkable local sight that the Castilian emissary was to see during his stay was situated about 25 miles away from the city.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo went to look at the ancient monastery of Sumelas, which was located at a height of approximately 4000 feet above sea-level. Its position at the side of a rocky glen was most extraordinary, for the ecclesiastical retreat occupied a cavern in the middle of a 1000 feet-high perpendicular cliff.

The monastery's white buildings offered a marked contrast to the brown rock that formed the backdrop. They were approached by a zigzag path at the side of the cliff, from which a flight of stone steps and a wooden staircase gave access to the monastic establishment. The valley below was filled with rich, colourful vegetation, the undergrowth being largely composed of azaleas and rhododendrons.

42 years prior to Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo's visit, the Emperor Alexius Comnenus III of Trebizond had rebuilt the monastery and richly re-endowed its various buildings. His associated 'Golden Bull', which contained portraits of the monarch himself and his empress and thenceforth became the new foundation charter of the monastic retreat, is still preserved in modern times and is one of the finest specimens of such documents.

Later, the grandson of a certain principal character of this saga presented a 'firman' to the monastery. Despite his own Muslim faith, this edict accorded his protection to the Orthodox Christian monks after he had become master of their country.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was finally setting off from Trebizond in a caravan that would ultimately take him to distant Samarkand, to where Tamerlane, after successfully subduing Anatolia, was also reported as now returning, albeit by a different route. The Castilian ambassador, of course, never knew that one of the people he would eventually meet in the conqueror's capital could be linked to the future issuing of the firman to the monks of the Sumelas monastery.

The link was the fateful influence that the person concerned would have on the present and future career of a particular boy, who was the grandfather of the issuer of the firman.

(Manisa, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], same time)

Due to Manisa's location on the edge of a fertile plain, agriculture had traditionally been the main industry in the region. Magnesia ad Sipylum was also once famous for the cult of Cybele, whose priests castrated themselves. 12^th century BC rock carvings of the goddess are still visible in the area today.

Manisa had recently been taken by Tamerlane, whilst he had been on his way to capture, from the Christian Knights Hospitalers, the strategically important port of Smyrna [modern Izmir in Turkey]. The latter city was just to the southwest and was again the scene for later falsehoods about the conqueror's local actions.

For example, a subsequent legend suggested that the population of Smyrna, terrified at what might be perpetrated on them and their city by Tamerlane, despatched their children to welcome the conqueror, who then had the youngsters massacred before embarking on a slaughter of the adults. Towers of skulls of the slain were then supposed to have been constructed.

Such a scenario might indeed have occurred if Vissarion's own delectable skull had ended up, as originally destined 16 years previously, on a similar tower outside his own home city of Tiflis. However, such an unfortunate fate thankfully did not befall the beautiful young Georgian concerned, nor did it to most of the inevitably less well-endowed forms possessed by the people of Smyrna.

The city had resisted Tamerlane and, when its defences finally fell, many people were killed, as his forces vengefully poured into the metropolis to loot and plunder. Captured civic leaders, whose unwise policies had led to the disaster, were also later executed, whilst much of the surviving population was lucratively enslaved, as was usual in such circumstances in order to provide another lesson to counterparts elsewhere. However, Vissarion's influence on the conqueror ensured that large-scale, brutally needless massacres did not occur. There was no slaughter of innocents offering welcome or erection of towers of skulls at Smyrna, except in the imaginations of later slanderers.

Meanwhile, Manisa, which had wisely surrendered to Tamerlane without a fight, was to experience much better fortune than Smyrna. The city was also hereon to be known as being an administrative training ground for Ottoman princes, many of whom would subsequently be appointed to govern the area.

This tradition began because the now 14 year-old Mehmet had been so appointed, albeit at Tamerlane's, or perhaps more concisely at his new friend's, Vissarion's, behest as opposed to that of any Sultan. Meanwhile, Musa, as the slightly senior in age of the two captured sons of Bayezid I, was allowed to escort his late father's body to Bursa, which was the traditional scene of entombment for senior Ottomans.

Musa subsequently moved on to his own allocated Anatolian fiefdom of Balikesir in western Anatolia. As part of his plan to split up the Ottoman Empire, Tamerlane, or again more succinctly, Vissarion, then negotiated the award of the Bursa region to Bayezid I's second oldest son, Isa, whilst leaving the eldest, Suleyman, unmolested in his European refuge.

Despite his tender years, the new 14 year-old governor of Manisa, Mehmet was also now imminently to enter his first diplomatic marriage. He was to be wed to the similarly aged daughter, Shehzade Kumru, of the Pasha of Amaysa, whose realm was in northern Anatolia.

In order to foster diplomatic alliances, Ottoman princes usually wed several wives. For example, the Sultana Olivera had been the fifth spouse of Bayezid I.

The marital process normally began when the Ottoman princes were in their early teens, if not younger. Mehmet, despite his current sexual preferences for certain other boys in his closest entourage, was not expected to be an exception.

In fact, the history of the Ottomans is littered with examples of bisexual princes with many wives and children, whilst their private predilections were often reflected in harems containing beautiful boys as well as girls and women. The family was also not alone in the Islamic world of the past for exhibiting such tastes [as will eventually be demonstrated in some later historical stories by Pueros].

Given his current tastes, Mehmet was not looking forward to being married or having subsequently to try to consummate the union. Initial teasing from Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran did not at first help matters. However, in the absence in Edirne of his own mother, Bayezid I's second wife, the Sultana Devlet, and having consoled each other over the Sultan's suicide, the childless Olivera took the young prince under her own protective maternal wing. She diplomatically advised and instructed the 14 year-old in the duties of a husband, both in and out of bed, cleverly using his boy companions to convey the more sexually candid elements of such tutoring.

The happy result was a successful wedding night with 14 year-old Shehzade Kumru and a young prince who afterwards became confident enough to entertain his new young wife in bed regularly, whilst still frequently indulging in similar play with certain boys. Such a development meant that Mehmet now had boasting rights and could exact teasing revenge on his closest servants and friends, Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, who were forced to remain chaste as far as the female form was concerned.

Vladimir was, of course, incapable of proper sex with a female because of his gelded state. Meanwhile, Kiril and Zoran were not allowed to dabble in such activities because of their Janissary status, which required members of the famed military order to remain celibate.

The apparent success of young Mehmet's marriage quickly encouraged his entry into another similar union, although again primarily for reasons of diplomacy. The 14 year-old prince now needed as many regional allies as he could acquire, given that the four sons of Bayezid I had already begun feuding over their father's territorial legacy.

The period during which there was no recognised Ottoman Sultan was to become known to posterity as the 'Fetret', or 'Interregnum', and it was Mehmet's slightly older brother and former fellow captive of Tamerlane, the highly ambitious Musa, who first tried to break the impasse. From his own base in Balikesir, he now attacked Isa in Bursa.

Meanwhile, Mehmet was lined up to marry Emine, who was the daughter of the leader of the important Dulkadiroglu clan, based in southeast Anatolia. However, circumstances would soon prompt the young prince to move to the home city of his first wife, Shehzade Kumru.

Perhaps symbolically for what was later to happen, Shehzade Kumru's home city of Amasya happened to be the capital of the ancient kings of Pontus.

(Great Palace, Constantinople [modern Istanbul in Turkey], same time)

Firstly, John strongly disapproved of the situation to which his sister was being despatched for reasons of state. Secondly, the young prince despaired that he was likely never to see the girl again. Thirdly, the beautiful boy was appalled that the man to whom she had been betrothed was now a potential dangerous enemy of his friend, Mehmet.

John's sister was being sent to Edirne to marry Suleyman, eldest brother and prospective serious rival for the Ottoman succession of Mehmet, because his father, Manuel II Palaeologus, was cementing a strategic alliance with the new ruler of the late Bayezid I's European domains. The Christian Emperor was receiving the province of Salonika, as well as an important new Muslim son-in-law, in return for his daughter and diplomatic and military friendship.

John recognised that Suleyman was only forming such alliances in order to strengthen his ambitions to eliminate his brothers so that he could then lay sole claim his father's empire.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over ½ year later, Spring 1404)

The long and bloody civil war in China, caused by Zhu Di's attempts to usurp the Imperial throne from his nephew, had finally ended during the previous year. The Prince of Yan had succeeded in his aim of becoming the third Ming Emperor and he now wanted to stabilise his country, which meant that a priority was to try to ensure that the dreaded Tamerlane did not attack from the west.

Zhu Di, who had adopted the formal title of Yung-lo Emperor, therefore despatched his most capable adviser, 33 year-old Ma He, on an embassy to Tamerlane's court in Samarkand in an effort to establish peaceful relations. The nullified eunuch appeared particularly qualified for the task not only because of his excellent diplomatic abilities but also because he shared the dreaded conqueror's Islamic faith. The emissary, who had been given a prestigious new name by his master, was, of course, accompanied on his mission by his own, similarly emasculated loyal servant, 18 year-old Chi Li.

Unfortunately, Ma He, despite being a fellow Muslim, was to receive the same type of treatment from Tamerlane as suffered by previous Chinese Ming ambassadors. He and Chi Le were imprisoned without meeting the dreaded conqueror.

Tamerlane's action was driven by a desire to display his disdain for the Mings, whom he considered had usurped the throne 36 years previously from the rightful Mongol Yuan dynasty, which had been established by Kublai Khan, the grandson of Genghis Khan, from whom the conqueror falsely claimed descent. He therefore considered himself to be a much more legitimate candidate to assume the Chinese imperial throne, especially as the first Emperor of the new imperial house, Zhu Yuanzhang, had emanated from lowly Han peasant stock and had become a Buddhist monk before turning into a rebellious army leader.

Now, as far as Tamerlane was concerned, another rebel of dubious background had seized the throne. This only encouraged him even more to want to emulate his illustrious alleged ancestor, Genghis Khan, by successfully attacking China. The ageing conqueror perceived that a victorious jihad against the Oriental infidels, who had displaced the rightful dynasty with whom he had claimed familial associations, would crown his career and ensure that Allah later granted him a copious welcome in paradise.

Ma He's imprisonment demonstrated for all to see Tamerlane's refusal to recognise the new Ming regime. The conqueror also now took positive action to fulfil his bellicose ambitions by formulating plans to invade China, which he proposed to launch at the start of the next year, despite Vissarion's contrary advice.

Vissarion had never previously counselled against Tamerlane's ambitions for conquest and glory, as he realised that such desires formed an important integral part of his master's character. The Georgian correctly believed that to seek to deprive the man of such urges would also remove his ageing lover's lust for life and he had no intention of being responsible for any such unfortunate development. However, he had hoped that, approaching 70 years of age, the conqueror might be less ambitious, as a successful invasion of China would surely be a lengthy process.

Vissarion was concerned for Tamerlane's continued wellbeing, which he felt might be ill served by long and arduous campaigning against a clearly capable enemy such as Zhu Di. However, his master's ambitions to emulate Genghis Khan as the glorious pinnacle of his career of conquest were too fervent to be denied. Consequently, the Georgian abandoned his contrary counsel and instead used his formidable intellectual skills to assist the preparation for war. He concentrated on logistical organisation, whilst his oldest and best friend, Arman, applied his ample military talents to devising the invasion strategy.

Such duties did not, however, prevent Vissarion from remembering the plight of the unfortunate incarcerated Ma He, for whose release he eventually began to beg his master. The Georgian successfully argued that the reason for the ambassador's imprisonment had by now been fulfilled and therefore there was no longer any purpose in keeping the poor emissary in custody anymore.

The political point that Tamerlane was seeking to make by imprisoning Ma He had been fully recognised by all, undoubtedly not least by the emissary's Ming master. The envoy, whose mission had proved a sad failure, should simply be allowed instead to return to China, unharmed apart from the hurt to his dignity and perhaps that ultimately to be suffered as a result of his own Emperor's fury.

Vissarion subsequently appraised Ma He about the good news of his release by visiting the ambassador in his prison. The latter scene was actually not too unpleasant, as it consisted of decently appointed but closely guarded accommodation in an isolated wing of Tamerlane's main palace in Samarkand.

Vissarion, now a 27 year-old, was accompanied by the interpreter who would be necessary to translate the conversation with the imprisoned ambassador. The discussion was subsequently opened by the Georgian, who first diplomatically apologised to Ma He for his detention, although in doing so he used the emissary's new name of honour, granted by the Emperor Zhu Di for his valour at the battle of Zhenglunba during the recent Chinese civil war.

Vissarion politely declared "I'm deeply sorry that you found yourself temporarily imprisoned by my Lord, Ambassador Zheng He!"

(Great Palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire [modern Istanbul in Turkey], same time)

As usual, John was complaining about the discomfort of his formal ceremonial attire. The young prince's outer garments consisted of an ornate alb, which was a vestment extending to his feet, partly covered by another splendidly decorated sleeveless item without armholes that was a hybrid mix of stiff cope and long chasuble. Meanwhile, the golden hair on the boy's sublime head was literally crowned by a richly bejewelled but heavy diadem, from which string rivières of diamonds and other precious stones dangled at the sides.

"Your clothing might be uncomfortable," Petŭr commented in response to John's complaints, "but at least you won't look as ridiculous as the Emperor at the forthcoming ceremony!" This remark caused his prince to recall, from similar Easter Sunday rituals in previous years, that his father would be appearing swathed in white bands, with his face painted a deathly pale and his holy person surrounded by people representing the twelve apostles. Such remembrance then resulted in the appearance of a broad grin on the immaculate boy's face and the commencement of loud giggling, which the 20 year-old servant could not help but match in return.

In the Byzantine Empire, the Emperor, or 'Basileus', was considered Christ incarnate. Consequently, the current incumbent of the position, Manuel II Palaeologus, would on this Easter Sunday in the Orthodox calendar imminently be ceremonially reliving the Son of God's resurrection. However, his delightful son did not consider the religious seriousness behind the occasion sufficient to deny him a little amusement at his father's expense.

During the current outbreak of mutual hilarity, John's giggling caused his lovely head and body to shake so much that his diadem fell off. Fortunately, despite sharing the amusement, Petŭr was sufficiently alert to catch the crown before it crashed onto the tiled floor, which undoubtedly prevented the priceless object from being damaged.

"Thank you for saving my crown," John then smilingly said to Petŭr. Neither boy, of course, knew at the time that the prince would one day have cause to repeat these same thanks to the same person, albeit in completely different and far more serious circumstances.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], same time)

Tamerlane and Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo were currently sharing a lavish banquet, originally attended also by all of the host's present boys, plus one of the conqueror's past catamites in the still very handsome shape of Arman. Sibur and 21 year-old Teimuraz, who had recently been promoted, entirely on merit, from groom to junior cavalry officer, naturally accompanied their Armenian friend and lover to the dinner.

Until the linguistically gifted Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo became conversant with the main Turkic dialect spoken at Tamerlane's court, Nicolai acted as translator for the conversations with the Castilian emissary. As the young Muscovite had discovered in the forests of southern Rus, the envoy could speak his native Russian tongue rather well.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was later to spend a couple of years at the Timurid court, becoming thoroughly acquainted with Tamerlane and his family and boys, as well as with many other people and places within the dreaded conqueror's empire. One legacy of the ambassadorial stay was to be the written record of who and what the Castilian emissary encountered, which survives to this day.

Vissarion had eventually slipped away from the lavish banquet to meet the unfortunate Chinese ambassador. Whilst he subsequently concluded his conversation with the imprisoned Zheng He [alternatively spelt 'Cheng Ho'], Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Nicolai and Teimuraz were recalling for the benefit of Tamerlane, in freer and more opulent surrounds, their joint adventure in southern Rus. The conqueror then again took the opportunity to thank the emissary for the salvation of his beloved young Muscovite, backing up his gratitude by presenting the Castilian envoy with a magnificent solid gold drinking vessel, made in the shallow but broad-brimmed Mongol style.

The day's conversation eventually concluded with Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo's description for the highly interested Tamerlane of recent naval expeditions launched by Iberian powers. These included the Castilian Atlantic voyages, of 1400 and 1402 respectively, to Morocco and the Canary Islands. However, neither envoy nor conqueror ever learnt about the six momentous voyages of discovery to be undertaken between 1405 and 1433 by a certain person, who happened to be temporarily imprisoned nearby.

Nevertheless, coincidentally as another legacy of his ambassadorial stay, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was to have his own major, albeit indirect, role to play in future naval expeditions of discovery. The emissary's reports, which were presented on his return home to his King, Henry III of Castile, were to have a profound effect on the future of exploration because he described in his works the difficulties inherent in traversing the important Silk Road from Europe to China.

For example, in his report Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo declared "Now, from the city of Samarkand, it is six months' march to the capital of China….and, of this six months' journey, two are passed going across a desert country entirely uninhabited, except by nomad herdsmen." Such statements, along with others suggesting the immense size and wealth of Chinese cities, stimulated Iberian monarchs to commission voyages to find potentially highly lucrative alternative sea routes to the rich Orient.

The Portuguese prince, Henry the Navigator, who was the nephew of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo's King, later launched expeditions along the West African coast. Isabella I, Queen of Castile, who was Henry III's granddaughter, and her husband, Ferdinand V of Aragon, subsequently sponsored Christopher Columbus, who was seeking a western sea route to China when he discovered the Americas.

As Tamerlane's banquet concluded, the Chinese ambassador simultaneously prepared to depart from Samarkand at dawn with his young servant, Chi Le. However, Vissarion would undoubtedly have adopted an entirely different stance towards Zheng He's release if he had been aware that his master's oldest surviving son, Miranshah, had held a furtive meeting with the emissary, just before the envoy left the Timurid capital.

In the meeting, Miranshah and Zheng He had reached a secret agreement about certain future actions.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], a few months later, June 1404)

In fact, Tamerlane never had any such intention. At the present ceremony, he instead honoured his formidable Eldest Queen by having the place named after her. Today, this superb legacy of the conqueror's architectural tastes is still called the Bibi Khanum Mosque.

Much of the long-planned construction was eventually supported by loot brought back from Delhi in 1398. For example, almost a hundred plundered elephants helped to haul marble for the mosque back to Samarkand. Many capable architects and artisans, captured over the years amidst Tamerlane's many conquests and despatched to help adorn his capital, were also involved in the mammoth project.

The result was a grandiose building occupying a rectangular courtyard, 130x102 metres in size. On the west towered the main mosque, whilst smaller versions graced the northern and southern sides, all three possessing resplendent azure domes. The spacious internal enclosure, with sheltered gallery, was covered with marble.

The entrance to the courtyard was designed as a high portal, flanked by two round minarets 50 metres high. The facade of the main mosque was also decorated with another majestic portico, or 'iwan', with another two lofty towers possessing projecting balconies for muezzins to proclaim the hours of prayer.

The outside walls of all of the buildings were richly adorned with multi-coloured glazed bricks, displaying religious quotations or simply forming whimsical geometrical ornamentation. The magnificent and rich internal decoration consisted of ornate patterns created from similarly lustrous mosaic, carved marble and gilt.

Tamerlane was today celebrating the great mosque's consecration by also solemnising marriages of some male members of his family, all of whom were permitted by Islamic law to have several wives. Such multiple unions were frequently not love matches but were instead undertaken to cement diplomatic alliances, usually with other important Turcoman tribal clans. However, because of his tender age, newly 10 year-old Ulugbeg was amongst those now being wed for the first time and, of course, he would not yet be expected to consummate his new marital status for a while yet.

Besides Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, amongst the other Christians watching the weddings inside the new mosque was Vissarion, to whom the understandably nervous Ulugbeg occasionally glanced for reassurance. The pretty boy was always rewarded in return by the sight of the beautiful Georgian's completely disarming smile, which invariably managed to relax the 10 year-old.

Also proudly observing their 10 year-old son's wedding were his parents, Prince Shahrukh and his principal wife, Gohar Shad. The latter was close, in terms of both current proximity and permanent relationship, to the redoubtable Bibi Khanum, from whose example she was to develop her own well-deserved reputation for formidableness over the years ahead.

Tamerlane's desire to link the consecration of his great mosque with some family weddings was associated with his recently reinforced sense of mortality and consequent wish to expand, as his human legacy, the number of offspring possessing his direct bloodline. Not only was the conqueror ageing but also he had just been sadly reminded of the common nature of early death in this unhealthy era and how such tragedies could affect his personal lineage.

Tamerlane had recently sadly presided over the internment of his senior and second favourite grandson after Ulugbeg, Muhammad. The latter, who had been in his early 30s and was the offspring of the conqueror's already deceased eldest son, Jahangir, had just died of natural causes.

Tamerlane's senior grandson was now Khalil, who was in his early 20s and was the offspring of the conqueror's eldest surviving son, 38 year-old Miranshah. The young man's mother was Jahangir's re-wed widow, Khanzada.

Muhammad had been interred in the also recently completed Gur-Emir, or 'tomb of the ruler', mausoleum in Samarkand. This fabulous octagonal structure was dominated by a peerless fluted azure dome, possessing 64 separate ribs.

The great mausoleum was also soon to be the eternal resting-place of someone much more important than Tamerlane's grandson.

(Amasya, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], same time)

Emine, accompanied by her husband, therefore went to give birth in the home of Mehmet's other wife, Shehzade Kumru. The city of Amasya was considered safer for such a potentially very important event because of the protection afforded by the difficult local geography.

Amasya, birthplace of the ancient Greek geographer, Strabo, was located in a narrow cleft of the River Yesilirmak, which was known as the Iris when the Hellenes controlled the area. The city possessed a cliff-face citadel, which contained the local palace. Nearby were the impressive rock-face tombs of the Kings of Pontus. Mehmet's first son, Murad, was therefore born and was to spend his early boyhood in the local palace in Amaysa. In subsequent years, whilst Shehzade Kumru would sadly remain childless, Emine would also produce with her husband another four boys, Mustafa, Ahmed, Yusuf and Mahmud, and two daughters, Fatma and Selcuk.

Mehmet, who was himself only 15 years old at the time, named his first son after his paternal grandfather. Murad was, of course, the most likely nominee to inherit his parent's legacy but currently whatever this would be did not look too promising, as the feuding between the four male offspring of Bayezid I continued.

Musa had succeeded in displacing Isa from Bursa. The latter older brother therefore fled across the Dardanelles to seek an alliance with the eldest sibling, Suleyman, who controlled Ottoman Europe.

Suleyman, who was wily enough not to endanger himself, equipped Isa with a fresh army and returned him to Anatolia to retake Bursa. He intended treacherously to order his soldiers, upon whom his second brother now largely relied, to reward his sibling for success by having him murdered.

Suleyman would thereby gain Isa's Anatolian domains with little risk to himself. However, his devious plans were thwarted when Bayezid I's second son was unsuccessful in his efforts to recapture Bursa and was instead taken prisoner by Musa's forces. The third sibling then had his captive older brother strangled with a bowstring.

To safeguard his own position against possible eventual counterattack from Suleyman, Musa now sought his own alliance with his youngest brother, Mehmet. Fearing for his own future and that of his family and supporters, the latter prince agreed to the association, despite his deep distaste for what had been perpetrated on Isa.

Mehmet and Musa were actually half brothers. The former was the son of Bayezid I's second wife, Devlet, whilst the latter, like Suleyman and Isa, was the offspring of the late Sultan's first spouse, Germivan.

Musa did not expect his alliance with Mehmet to last. His long-term hope was to use his half-brother to help him eliminate Suleyman, just as the latter had manipulated Isa in his efforts to gain supremacy over his other younger siblings.

After disposing of Suleyman, Musa proposed to turn treacherously on Mehmet in order to be paramount and succeed to Bayezid I's empire.

(Amasya, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], a couple of months later, late Summer 1404)

All of the four sons of Bayezid I had received different degrees of civilian and military factional support, with the various adherents keen to see their own protégés succeed to a unified Ottoman throne. With certain notable exceptions, such as Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, such people usually gave their allegiances not through friendship or selfless altruism and a desire to regain previous imperial glories. Their frequently changing loyalties instead generally arose from a need to see someone succeed who could represent their particular interests, which were often associated with selfish ambition and personal greed for position and wealth.

Nevertheless, even Mehmet needed the help of such supporters, simply in order to survive in these early years after his father's death. The boy was originally not especially ambitious, other than in his wish to reinstate his father's legacy. However, his attitude gradually changed, as he learnt more about his half-brothers. Encouraged by his own closest adherents, who included his wives and their families, as well as Olivera, Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, he began to think more about advancing his own position. He was stimulated into doing so by finally correctly judging that he would be the best person to achieve his aim of restoring Ottoman pride.

At present, Suleyman had gained the upper hand because he ruled the richest part of Bayezid I's empire, namely the European element. He was helped in maintaining his authority by support from two very important and influential officials from his father's court, namely the senior Janissary Aga and the Grand Vizier, who respectively controlled much of the Ottoman bureaucracy and military.

The Grand Vizier, Ali Cenderli, also came from a family that had important commercial interests and was allied to several other similarly significant clans. The chief bureaucrat therefore additionally had great influence over the highest levels of the wealthy mercantile establishment.

As mentioned earlier, Suleyman had strengthened his position further by forging an alliance with the Byzantine ruler, Manuel II Palaeologus, surrendering Salonika and marrying one of the Emperor's daughters in order to cement the relationship. He also accumulated other important allies, such as the current maritime power of Venice, which possessed significant influence throughout the Mediterranean and Black Seas. However, he did not have the benefit of the friendship of his young brother-in-law, Prince John, or of servants called Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, or of someone named Vissarion.

Mehmet fatefully possessed such crucial friendships.

(Great Palace, Constantinople [modern Istanbul in Turkey], same time)

Little would be said at the current ceremony, which was based on the Byzantine conviction that the Emperor, or 'Basileus', was the reincarnated Christ. The Muslim prince, Musa, was therefore being formerly introduced not only to the local ruler but also to the Christian Son of God, with whom he would have to conduct business at a subsequent banquet.

The current setting was in the Great Palace's large octagonal audience chamber, which was capped by an immense cupola. An arch surmounted each wall so that the hall contained eight apses. Many chandeliers hung from the ceiling and there were a number of exotic carved gilt furnishings, including depictions of golden birds on trees, griffins and lions. However, the most magnificent sight was the place where Manuel II Palaeologus was sitting. The throne was located in a recess, reached by three porphyry steps, overhung by a purple canopy and veiled at the sides by similarly coloured curtains.

John waited in eager excitement to see the reaction on the important guest's face when confronted with what would now happen. The beautiful 14 year-old was not to be disappointed in his quest for amusement.

Musa's face exhibited great shock when he was almost deafened by a loud uproar. After Manuel II Palaeologus had gestured that the audience was over, machinery had been set in motion so that the beaks and mouths of the animal furnishings opened. The birds sang, the griffins whistled and the lions roared. The throne on which the Emperor still sat then began to rise into the air, in a symbolic re-enactment of Christ's ascension to heaven.

An incredulous Musa soon found himself looking upwards to where Manuel II Palaeologus now gave the sign of the cross, indicating the end of the reception audience. The senior eunuch, who acted as master of ceremonies, then uttered the word "keleusate", meaning 'if you please', and helped the bemused Ottoman prince to walk backwards out of the chamber, with his arms crossed across his chest in appropriate reverence.

Musa would, of course, normally scorn adherence to such ritual. The Muslim prince not only considered himself to be superior to the Byzantine ruler, whose remaining domains were smaller in area even than those allocated to Bayezid I's third son by Tamerlane, but also regarded his Islamic faith to be the only true religion. However, he presently felt obliged to disguise his real attitude and observe the ceremonial niceties, as he desperately needed the Emperor's help.

Musa had not fled to Mehmet in Amasya, as he incorrectly distrusted his younger half-brother. In doing so, he viewed his current predicament only from his own perspective as, if the situation had been reversed, he would certainly have made use of the opportunity to eliminate his weakened rival. He anyway considered it likely that Suleyman would now go on to perpetrate the deed for him.

Giving Mehmet up as lost to the deadly might of Suleyman's currently apparently irrepressible forces, Musa had fled to Constantinople. Before doing so, he had already sounded out the Emperor's willingness to switch allegiances.

Despite being Suleyman's father-in-law, Manuel II Palaeologus was indeed now prepared to swap his support in the war between the late Bayezid I's squabbling sons. Such disloyal changes were commonplace in medieval times, and the Byzantine Empire had gained a reputation over the centuries for adopting devious strategies that often supported weak against strong rivals in order to try to maintain their division by preventing anyone from prevailing.

Manuel II Palaeologus had begun to fear the growing power of Suleyman and so supporting Musa had the benefit of hopefully keeping the Ottomans divided and busy fighting each other instead of turning their forces against Byzantium. However, the Emperor proffered no help to Mehmet, whom he too considered probably lost.

Manuel II Palaeologus' attitude towards Mehmet was maintained despite some entreaties from John that the youngest of Bayezid I's squabbling offspring should be supported too. The Emperor had been surprised that his own second son had not only taken an interest in such matters but also appeared to be concerned about the welfare of the Ottoman prince in Amasya.

Manuel II Palaeologus would, of course, have been even more surprised to discover that Mehmet had once briefly and bizarrely been John's slave. However, the Byzantine Emperor's second son still kept his secret about being an acquaintance of the youngest Ottoman prince.

(Amasya, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], a few weeks later)

Mehmet's current, small, young but remarkably mature entourage comprised, as usual, Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, who now all contributed to a debate as to what to do about Suleyman. The latter was gradually successfully retaking the lands in Anatolia allocated by Tamerlane to his three brothers and other minor rulers and it seemed only a matter of time before he cornered his youngest sibling, whose forces were much weaker.

"We could flee like Musa," Vladimir, who was always concerned more about his beloved prince's welfare than anything else, suggested, "either to Constantinople or to Tamerlane's court. I'm sure that we'd receive a decent reception, given the friends we now have in both places." However, Mehmet rejected the young Slav's proposal for now, announcing "I think that we should be patient and remain here in Amasya to see what unfolds. It'll be quite a while before Suleyman can safely reach here and we should therefore still have time to consider options such as diplomatic flight if it appears that he might be on the verge of entrapping us."

Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran were not entirely convinced by Mehmet's argument but they accepted their young prince's judgement, hoping that it would eventually prove to be wise as opposed to being folly.

(Otrar, Timurid Empire [near the modern village of Shaulder in Kazakhstan], about ½ year later, February 1405)

Otrar, which comprised an elevated fortified citadel, or 'shahristan', surrounded by a lower town, or 'rabat', was also situated at the centre of a large agricultural oasis whose fertility was boosted by clever irrigation involving many canals and dams. The tobe additionally benefited from being at the conjunction of several important caravan routes.

The 'Great Silk Road', extending from Europe to China, was, in fact, not one single thoroughfare but a complex of basically three inter-linked and parallel trade routes traversing Central Asia and Otrar gained by having the central one passing through the town. However, the tobe's position, at the periphery of the southern lands of sedentary populations with the territories of nomads to the north, had brought a lot of trouble in recent centuries.

Otrar had suffered much devastation through assaults by nomadic Mongols, after which many of the population still alive were enslaved. However, unlike some other similarly severely damaged towns and cities of Central Asia, the oasis tobe had later risen from the ashes to regain its former prosperity, aided by its favourable location.

Otrar had also been one of the places that had actually benefited from conquest early in his career by Tamerlane. Having peacefully allowed itself to be absorbed into his Timurid Empire, the town had subsequently gained further in prosperity because of the protection now afforded by the new status. Many new and magnificent public buildings of brick had then been erected to supplement the otherwise largely earthen infrastructure.

The new buildings included a madrassa, or Islamic school, and mosque. Tamerlane had also built a mausoleum over the grave of the holy Arslan Baba, who had been the teacher of his hero, Sheikh Hodja Ahmad Yasewi. As described in an earlier chapter, the latter Sufi poet and scholar was now resting for eternity in his own similar, recently constructed edifice in Yasi [modern town of Turkestan in Kazakhstan], which was about 40 miles away to the north of Otrar.

Tamerlane also built a palace in Otrar. However, as the conqueror had since been busy elsewhere, he had not used the residence for years, although the place was now to acquire great significance for him, after he temporarily housed himself and his closest entourage within its palatial interior, having finally set out to conquer China.

The prospect of a very long march ahead had caused Tamerlane to embark on his campaign unseasonably early. Instead of his usual habit of waiting for spring, the conqueror set off in winter.

69 year-old Tamerlane intended to attack China via the central of the Silk Roads, which benefited from passing through well-established Timurid territory, including Otrar. Vissarion's clever logistical skills had been applied, amongst other matters, to rendezvousing en-route with large numbers of fresh conscripts and volunteers for his master's latest military adventure. Many of these newly enlisted warriors, along with much provisioning, were gathering at the riverside town, which was ideal for the purpose, being in the middle of the large, verdant oasis.

The military enterprise now to be undertaken, involving the biggest-ever Timurid army, was likely to be Tamerlane's biggest test yet. However, it also promised great glory and rich rewards for success, a veritable crowning end to the dreaded conqueror's career.

(Palace of the Ming Emperors, Nanjing, China, same time)

Zhu Di was genuinely very fearful about the outcome of the imminent war. However, his concerns did not extend to any animosity towards the returning Zheng He, who had failed to placate the dreaded Tamerlane.

The apparent failure of Zheng He's embassy to Tamerlane, although disappointing, had not been unexpected by Zhu Di. After all, the Emperor had the lamentable experiences of previous similar missions to go by to judge that the lack of success was undoubtedly not attributable to any fault on the part of his highly capable and loyal nullified eunuch. The imperial attitude was boosted by what his emissary told him about the secret agreement with Miranshah.

Zhu Di therefore received Zheng He in his current capital of Nanjing with both warmth and relief that no harm had befallen his most precious servant, whom he now ordered to go on another urgent assignment to distant parts. The Emperor appointed the nullified eunuch to the position of 'Admiral of the Western Seas' and commanded that he organise a large fleet of huge, flat-bottomed junks to sail across the South China Sea and Indian Ocean to Islamic western Asia and northeast Africa.

The vessels were to be deliberately impressively big in order to carry the necessary supplies for a very long voyage and to awe the rulers of the countries visited, thereby making them more susceptible to being influenced. The aim of the trip, for which Zheng He appeared particularly suited because of his excellent command of men, diplomatic skills and Muslim faith, was twofold.

The first and most immediate reason was to try to enlist allies in western Asia and northeast Africa who could threaten Tamerlane's westerly empire and so perhaps encourage the conqueror to withdraw prematurely from his invasion of China. The Emperor had too must respect for the military capabilities of the imminent attacker to expect anything other than a momentous campaign that could easily result in his defeat. His pessimism was increased by the fact that the dreaded man would probably be assisted by many of the Chinese enemies that the new Ming ruler had acquired during the recent civil war, not least amongst his own family.

The second and more long-term reason was the previously unprecedented priority the new ruler afforded to foreign policy. The outward-looking Zhu Di intended to provide China with greater world influence for purposes of both commerce and prestige. The Yung-lo Emperor proposed to achieve this by developing a huge fleet of massive ships, capable of sailing to all parts of the globe.

Zhu Di recognised that despatching Zheng He on the initial costly voyage was a big gamble as far as trying to stop the imminent invasion of China was concerned. However, the journey did not represent the Emperor's only attempt to try to deflect Tamerlane from his imminent intent or otherwise prepare for the feared event.

Zhu Di initiated a lot of other diplomatic activity, designed to attract allies against Tamerlane. He had also already embarked upon a crash programme to buy and breed military horses, of which there was a shortage in China after the recent civil war. He appreciated that he would have to rectify this particular supply problem if he was to stand any chance against the anticipated host of fierce Timurid cavalry.

Zhu Di felt obliged to believe that Zheng He's secret agreement with Miranshah might not prove practical or otherwise reliable. However, the Emperor also still hoped that Tamerlane's oldest surviving son might somehow be able to fulfil his part of the bargain and so remove the need for the other desperate efforts to prevent imminent Chinese disaster against the most formidable army and general in the world.

(Otrar, Timurid Empire [near the modern village of Shaulder in Kazakstan], same time)

Tamerlane began to suffer from an ever-worsening fever, shortly after he had dined alone with Miranshah at his 38 year-old elder son's unusual request. Vissarion immediately suspected that his master might have been poisoned, even though all of the food and drink at the private dinner had as usual been thoroughly tasted. However, the Georgian's suspicions could not be confirmed by the conqueror's best doctors, who were perplexed as to the cause of the illness.

Tamerlane was taken to his bed in the palace but, as his condition worsened even more, he retained sufficient lucidity to order that he be relocated to his army's great encampment and the large tent that he had often shared with his beloved boys. If he was going to die, the conqueror wanted to do so within that splendid canopy and on top of the huge bearskin that Vissarion and Arman had been responsible for acquiring as boys.

The whole scene within the tent brought many happy memories back to Tamerlane. During previous winters, the conqueror had often wanted to remain forever inside his canopy with his beloved boys and, amidst his fever, he now began to pray to Allah to grant his wish.

Tamerlane's past and present boys, who could be mustered at short notice, gathered within their master's tent, all of them displaying distraught if not tearful faces. Places of honour at either side of the conqueror's bed were granted to the soon-to-be 28 year-olds, Vissarion and Arman, each of whom gently held one of the man's hands. The latter Armenian was accompanied by his male lovers, his fellow general, Sibur, and the soon-to-be 22 year-old junior cavalry officer Teimuraz.

Also present nearby, in descending order of age, were Nicolai and Haluk, who would soon be 24 and 23 respectively, and the pair of imminent 22 year-olds, Rezan and Rahu. Other special guests within the canopy included the still hostage Prince Ahmed and his slave, Krishnan, both of whom were rapidly approaching their 18th birthdays.

Tamerlane's youngest surviving son, Shahrukh, who would soon be 28 like Vissarion and Arman, was naturally present, with his own offspring, Ulugbeg, now a 10 year-old. However, Miranshah, who was 11 years older than his younger brother, was strangely absent.

The whole setting was disturbed at times by copious vomiting by Tamerlane, which produced large volumes of horrible green bile, as his stomach appeared to want to reject much internal nastiness. However, none of the medicines given to the conqueror by his doctors could help their patient's innards to achieve their aim.

Tamerlane, perhaps thankfully because of the pain and distress he was suffering, eventually lapsed into a coma, during which his breathing became increasingly shallow and he occasionally foamed at the mouth. "Is our Lord dying?" the fearful and tearful Arman then whispered enquiringly to the similarly lachrymose Vissarion. The wise Georgian replied to the despairing question of his oldest and best friend, with whom he still shared some sessions of highly pleasurable sex, with his usual brave candour and correct perception.

As a vicious storm began outside, with forked lightening pervading the dark sky and loud thunderclaps reverberating in the heavens, Vissarion answered "Yes!"

(Ankara, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], same time)

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], same time)

Shadi Mulk Aka currently appreciated that Tamerlane had not long departed Samarkand and was probably now only in the environs of Otrar, which was not too distant from the Timurid capital but very far from China. Nevertheless, the Eldest Queen's conviction that impending disaster was about to befall her husband had become acute. The Bibi Khanum could simply somehow feel deep within her own elderly soul that the feared event was imminent. However, it was not within the formidable woman's character to mope about such matters.

Consequently, after prayers, the Bibi Khanum left the mosque named after her to visit the also recently completed Gur-Emir mausoleum. Shadi Mulk Aka's secret mission to the tomb was to ensure that a suitable burial place was arranged to accommodate her husband's body, which she was somehow sure would soon be returning to her.

The reason for the Bibi Khanum's pessimism appeared to her to be confirmed whilst she was within the mausoleum, for the very ground shook ominously. A significant earthquake was taking place, which would seriously damage many buildings in Samarkand, not least the new mosque named after the Eldest Queen. However, Shadi Mulk Aka was safe inside the Gur-Emir tomb, which had been built so well that it was little affected.

Nevertheless, despite her personal survival, Shadi Mulk Aka's unease increased, as she was positive that the earth's movement represented her husband's simultaneous end.

(Otrar, Timurid Empire [near the modern village of Shaulder in Kazakstan], same time)

Tamerlane then displayed what was, given the circumstances, a rather incongruous smile before he croaked in a low voice "Vissarion, bury me only under a stone with my name on it!" He subsequently managed to add mysteriously "Later, when you're ready too, we'll winter together forever!" To much accompanying grief-stricken wailing from all round, the eyes of the dreaded conqueror then closed and his breathing permanently ceased.

The hand of the conqueror that had been held by the angelic Vissarion then became awash with the tears of Tamerlane's favourite boy.

II

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], 40 years later, February 1445)

"Where are your friends coming from, Uncle, to attend the 40^th anniversary reunion?" Little Arman asked with interested wonderment. "From all over the world!" Vissarion answered with teasing exaggeration, causing the sublime brown eyes of the very pretty 10 year-old boy to open wider in awe.

"Oh, please, Uncle, provide me with details," Little Arman next requested, whilst extending his arms to Vissarion. The boy's common gesture was well known to the elderly Georgian, as it inevitably indicated that the child wanted to sit again in the great storyteller's lap to listen to one of the old eunuch's famous tales or recitation of amazing facts.

Vissarion was not the type of person to deny the boy either his time or such a treat and so Little Arman soon found himself in the protection of the comforting lap of the old eunuch. The elderly Georgian then advised his fascinated young listener from where the imminent guests would be coming and what had happened to them since Tamerlane's death.

(Otrar, Timurid Empire [near the modern village of Shaulder in Kazakhstan], 40 years previously, February 1405)

Zheng He did not like the sort of subterfuge that led to the assassination of important leaders, even if they were enemies and proposed to launch devastating war against his imperial master and adopted homeland. The nullified eunuch considered such tactics cowardly and would have much preferred instead to face such foes in battle. However, he was also a realist and knew, when Miranshah had offered the deal, that he could not refuse because he had a duty to protect both his Emperor and China in any way possible.

Instead of progressing to China, Tamerlane's vast army now turned round to escort the body of the dreaded conqueror back to his beloved capital of Samarkand for internment in the Gur-Emir mausoleum. As requested, Vissarion ensured that his late master was buried beneath a single stone, although the type was rather special, as it consisted of a large polished slab of precious marble. However, even this valuable cover appeared to the Georgian insufficient to honour such a man and he was later to be instrumental in ensuring that it was replaced with something even more remarkable.

(Ankara, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], same time)

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], a few weeks later)

Vissarion told of the adventures of an 11 year-old boy called Ulugbeg, who managed to fly to the moon and eventually help the people who lived there to secure peace and prosperity, as well as build a magnificent city. In return, the young adventurer was honoured by having his name applied to a large crater found on planet Earth's solitary satellite.

(Amaysa, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], same time)

Mehmet had subsequently quickly regained both his senses and feet and reassured his closest servants and friends that he was alright, although he could not explain what had just happened to him for the first but sadly not for the last time. It was the Sultana Olivera who, having learnt of the unusual worrying incident and associated symptoms, and later witnessing one of the infrequent events herself, who eventually provided the correct diagnosis.

Meanwhile, the conflict between Suleyman and Musa, which was largely confined to the Balkans, was to last 5 years. However, this internecine war provided someone else with better fortune.

Mehmet not only escaped his oldest half-brother's enmity but also began to recoup lost territory in Asian Anatolia and thereby attract more local supporters to his cause. He did so despite succumbing occasionally to further sudden collapses.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over 3 years later, Summer 1408)

Tamerlane had followed the custom of his people by bequeathing his conquests to his two surviving sons, thereby dividing his empire. Miranshah and Shahrukh had respectively received the western and eastern parts.

Vissarion, in a rare failure, had been unable to dissuade his master from following such tribal tradition. The perceptive Georgian knew that such action was only likely to replicate the deadly squabbling that had broken out amongst Bayezid I's four sons and he was sadly proved correct.

After the suspicious death of their master and the conqueror's own subsequent internment in the Gul-Emir mausoleum, all of Tamerlane's boys gravitated in various capacities to the service of Shahrukh, for whom Arman, Sibur and Teimuraz were already loyal lieutenants. One of the prime motivations for the action of the former catamites, apart from the fact that the amicable prince was well liked, involved their unproved suspicion that the much less likeable Miranshah had poisoned his father.

Vissarion also believed that he had worked out why Miranshah would do such a dastardly deed, which basically involved four main reasons.

Firstly, Miranshah probably still bore a jealous grievance against his father for promoting some of his boys into prominent positions and for killing the equally envious second son, Umarshaykh, who had attempted to murder Vissarion. He also might have feared sometime suffering the same fate.

Secondly, Miranshah, who had only ever been given relatively minor roles despite his high opinion of himself, might have become impatient to succeed Tamerlane in order to gain the ultimate status to which he long believed he had every right. He was certainly weary of living in his exalted father's shadow, as was exemplified by what he once attempted to do when based as governor of Persia in Sultaniyeh, which happened to be Ulugbeg's birthplace. At the time, his misery had tempted him towards consuming copious amounts of alcohol and to participating in many depravities. Amidst one over-indulgence in wine, he complained that the only way he could think of leaving his own legacy for posterity in light of his male parent's many successes was by destroying something significant. He therefore ordered the demolition of the magnificent local mausoleum of a former Mongol King of Persia, Oljeitu. Fortunately, the conqueror, a lover of splendid architecture, came to hear about the desecration. The tomb had also been too well built to suffer much by the time that he arrived to stop the profanity and banish his third son into temporary obscurity as punishment. Consequently, the masterful building, which was one of the inspirations for the later Taj Mahal in India, survives to this day, although sadly earthquakes and pillage over the centuries mean that only stumps remain of the eight minarets that afforded the towering egg-shaped dome of perfect proportions a crown-like girdle.

Thirdly, Miranshah had always opposed his father's aim of attacking China. He considered the enterprise unnecessary, overly ambitious, too dangerous personally and too precarious for the wellbeing of the existing empire.

Fourthly, Miranshah never had any intention of allowing his late father's will to stand. He believed that, as the oldest surviving son, he should inherit the whole empire, for which ambition an alliance with a Chinese Emperor, grateful for the extinguishing of Tamerlane's threat to his country, might be very useful.

Unfortunately, Vissarion could never prove his conjecture. However, after the inevitable civil war broke out between the avaricious Miranshah and Shahrukh, who was only trying to defend the legacy received from his father, the Georgian eunuch knowingly noted that the Emperor of China did indeed immediately ally himself to Tamerlane's older surviving son.

Like that cursing the Ottoman Empire, the feud in the Timurid equivalent between the late ruler's sons was to prove lengthy and bloody, with one eventually emerging victorious. Fortunately for Tamerlane's legacy, it was 31 year-old Shahrukh who now presided over the internment of Miranshah's dead body in the Gur-Emir mausoleum.

Miranshah might have had a high opinion of himself and the Emperor of China as an ally. However, his feeling of superiority proved unjustified, and his Chinese alliance almost worthless, in face of Shahrukh's counterattacks against his older brother's covetous aggressions.

Shahrukh's ultimate success was significantly assisted by having the highly capable warriors, Arman, Sibur and Teimuraz, at his side, plus the inheritance into his service of his father's last boys. Rahu naturally now became the prince's fierce personal bodyguard, protectively accompanying his new master everywhere, just as he had done for his beloved Tamerlane. Meanwhile, Vissarion simply assumed the crucial advisory and bureaucratic role he had previously fulfilled for the conqueror, and had once temporarily performed for his late master's youngest son during punitive military campaigns to Georgia and Armenia. He was capably assisted by Nicolai, Rezan and Haluk, who in the process learnt much of significance for their own futures, as did Prince Ahmed.

Ahmed also assisted Vissarion. The hostage status of the Muslim Indian prince had been ended but he had now reluctantly become an exile in Shahrukh's court because of the insistence of his own father, Mahmud Tughluq, that he did not return to his homeland because of the dangers resulting from the continuing strife there.

Although desperate to aid his father's ailing cause, Ahmed reluctantly acquiesced to the parental command. He was partly consoled in so doing by the suggestion that he could probably help more by being the Tughluq ambassador to Shahrukh than by returning to his family's ever-dwindling domains. He was additionally comforted by the still loving arms of two devoted eunuchs, Krishnan and Nicolai.

Shahrukh's own strife with Miranshah sadly subsequently prevented any worthwhile response to requests for belated intervention in India. However, by now, Mahmud Tughluq's immediate cause was already irreversibly terminally ill. Nevertheless, his son's retention at the Timurid court would one day in the distant future help to restore his family bloodline to splendid prominence in India.

Miranshah had not been killed in battle or murdered by his younger brother but instead died in bed. His hold on the western part of the Timurid empire was being substantially eroded by Shahrukh and others opportunistically making use of the warfare between the two siblings to grab territory, such as the former Sultan of Baghdad, Ahmad Jalayir, when his dissolute lifestyle brought a premature death through cirrhosis of the liver.

Despite their dispute, Shahrukh had Miranshah's body returned to Samarkand to be interred near their father, Tamerlane, in the resplendent Gul-Emir mausoleum. Taking Vissarion's advice, the new sole ruler of the Timurid Empire then successfully sought reconciliation with his late sibling's family, especially his nephew, Khalil, whom he appointed governor of Persia.

Such reconciliation was later to be of great significance to Prince Ahmed.

(Hagia Sophia, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire [modern Istanbul in Turkey] ¾ year later, Spring 1309)

Before becoming co-Emperor, John had regularly suggested to his father that they should attempt to maintain good relations with a particular Turkish prince, who had been contesting supremacy of a reunified Ottoman Empire with his estranged half-brothers. The young Byzantine did so without explaining in depth why he was certain that the recommended ally would reciprocate by never causing Constantinople any harm.

Manuel II Palaeologus had previously forged changing alliances with the princely Ottoman contestants, hoping to play one off against the other and keep them divided and weak. The Byzantine Emperor, or 'Basileus', was perhaps wisely afraid of a reunified Turkish Empire if one of the rival brothers ever emerged victorious. However, his current ally, Musa, appeared to be slowly gaining supremacy over Suleyman.

Manuel II Palaeologus therefore decided that the time was now right to change sides again. Finally following his son's advice and as a coronation present, the Emperor began fatefully to support Mehmet, thereby accelerating the latter's hold over Anatolia.

There were other consequences resulting from the revised alliance. Manuel II Palaeologus's young co-Emperor, John VIII Palaeologus, equipped with his new delegated authority, could begin writing openly to his friend, Mehmet, instead of disguising their regular communications in the correspondence between Petŭr and his younger brother, Kiril. They could also happily now do something else.

(Constantinople, Byzantine Empire [Istanbul in modern Turkey], a few months later, Summer 1409)

(Mudanya, Anatolia, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], next day)

Zoran, who was the same age as Kiril and had been respectfully standing aside to allow the cheerful reunions to unfold, soon became caught up in the happy scene after he was introduced to the important Byzantine guests. Not long afterwards, the imperial party was on its way to nearby Bursa, where Mehmet had re-established himself in the local palace.

Mehmet and Vladimir were therefore later able to show their Byzantine acquaintances the place from where they had been fatefully abducted by an Arab trader 12 years previously to end up being sold as boy slaves in Constantinople. Despite their initial horror and shame, the whole incident now appeared to the victims to be highly fortuitous rather than very unfortunate, given the friendships they had subsequentlu made in the great city.

(Tikrit, Mesopotamia [in modern Iraq], 1 year later, Summer 1410)

Ahmad Jalayir, however, was not the type of person who retained friends for long and soon he and Kara Yusuf were squabbling over spoils and land. Their dispute eventually reached stalemate, with a number of indecisive minor conflicts between the men's respective armies taking place in the borderlands between their two small territorial entities. The area to suffer most was inhabited mainly by Haluk's people, the Kurds.

Haluk had once rescued Rezan, along with Teimuraz, from Ahmad Jalayir's evil clutches in Baghdad. The relationship between the Kurdish eunuch and the Persian had subsequently gradually become more intimate, with the latter frequently using his rampant cock to entertain the former within Tamerlane's tent and elsewhere.

The regular intimacy between Haluk and Rezan had gradually developed into love. After serving Shahrukh loyally and capably until their new master had gained sole supremacy over Timurid domains, they therefore went to live together in the Persian's homeland.

Rezan's people wanted him to lead them as their Khan, a post once occupied by his father, Reza. As a mere 10 year-old and in order to travel adventurously with Tamerlane, the Persian had left his tribe, which previously had been badly ruled by his late parent, in the safe hands of a sadly now recently deceased and childless former personal servant.

In light of this man's recent death, it now seemed appropriate to everyone concerned that the highly capable Rezan should return to reclaim, under overall Timurid suzerainty, his family's legacy. In Persia, the new Khan and Haluk, who was a year older than his intimate friend, eventually came to learn about the dispute between Ahmad Jalayir and Kara Yusuf. The Kurdish eunuch had in particular not forgotten the wicked Sultan of Baghdad, who had commissioned his castration and had once threatened to torture him every day for life. He had also not overlooked the fact that he had sworn vengeance against the evil man.

Haluk was additionally naturally disturbed by the fact that the conflict between Ahmad Jalayir and Kara Yusuf was concentrated in lands populated by fellow Kurds, who were thereby suffering grievously. Consequently, he initially observed events from afar with keen interest, hopeful that the Sultan of Baghdad would be quickly defeated and killed. However, the impasse between the two warring parties continued remorselessly and he eventually began to fret that such a decisively satisfactory conclusion would never be attained.

Rezan naturally shared his lover's hopes and concerns and finally both decided that they should do something to try to help end the stalemate between Ahmad Jalayir and Kara Yusuf. In 1410, hearing that the normally cowardly Sultan of Baghdad was uncharacteristically personally leading a raid against his enemy, they offered their services to the opposition.

27 year-old Rezan and Haluk, who was about 12 months older, brought four valuable benefits to Kara Yusuf's cause. First, they were highly competent young warriors in their own right, having learnt much when with their Timurid masters. Second, they came with a useful tribal troop of Persian heavy cavalry. Third, given his ethnicity and fame as once being one of Tamerlane's boys, the Kurdish eunuch could quickly assemble sizeable forces from amongst his own people, who had wisely previously established relatively friendly relations with the dreaded conqueror. Fourth and most important, a message to friends in Samarkand had resulted in the arrival of a large contingent of horsemen, led by the redoubtable Arman.

Arman was accompanied as always by Sibur and Teimuraz. The latter, of course, had his own reason for seeking the demise of Ahmad Jalayir as, alongside Rezan, he had once been captured and threatened with slow dismemberment by the wicked Sultan.

Kara Yusuf had previously fought against Tamerlane and his successors, not least when involved in snatching Mesopotamia and Azerbeijan from their control. However, the era was full of rapid changes in allegiance and consequently he was happy to accept such unexpected allies, as well as their advice as to how to conduct the current campaign against Ahmad Jalayir. The result, largely as a consequence of Arman's military suggestions, was the adoption of Timurid strategies of co-ordinated rapid manoeuvre, which eventually trapped the surprised Sultan of Baghdad in a small fortress near Tikrit.

It was stated in an earlier chapter of this saga that Ahmad Jalayir would have two reasons to regret his dealings with Haluk. The first, of course, was the Kurd's part in rescuing Rezan and Teimuraz from his evil clutches. The second was now to be the eunuch's role in this entrapment of his former master and subsequent developments.Many of Ahmad Jalayir's soldiers had fled and so the Sultan was now protected only by a small military escort and some fortress walls that were no match for Timurid siege expertise and technology. As a result, a brief attack on the part of the besieging enemy soon broke down the defences, with Haluk, scimitar in hand and Rezan at his side, amongst the first to enter the citadel.

Rather symbolically, Ahmad Jalayir, carrying his own sword, made his last stand in a bedroom, where he had been cornered. The now 28 year-old Haluk, with the slightly younger Rezan, was again amongst the first to enter the lair of the Sultan, who was already tearfully pleading for mercy.

Despite the 9 years that had passed since Ahmad Jalayir had briefly entertained Haluk in the torture chamber of his Baghdad palace, the Sultan instantly recognised the arriving eunuch. His pleas therefore centred on his former Kurdish catamite, who had restrained the soldiers already present in the bedchamber from killing the man.

"Dear Haluk," Ahmad Jalayir begged between sobs, "please save me and you'll be well rewarded." "And how do you intend to compensate me for such devoted service?" the Kurd replied. "By castrating me or torturing me every day in your dungeon?" he subsequently sarcastically added.

"I want no rewards from you," Haluk then announced, "just vengeance. Now, fight me like a man if you can!" The Kurd, bloody scimitar in hand, then slowly and menacingly advanced towards the alarmed Ahmad Jalayir, who finally realised that there would be no mercy from the eunuch.

Intense anger now somehow encouraged Ahmad Jalayir to summon up some combat spirit and he raised his own sword in readiness to defend himself. "Eunuch slut," the Sultan screeched, "son of a whole line of Kurdish whores, I intend to die happy in the knowledge that I've sent you to hell first!"

The clash of swords soon reverberated around the spacious bedchamber, whilst the small group of soldiers in the room were now restrained from intervening by Rezan and the newly arrived Teimuraz, both of whom had particular cause to watch the spectacle. Even though both would have loved to join in the fight against Ahmad Jalayir because he had once threatened them with castration and other bodily mutilation, they knew that the honour should be Haluk's alone. After all, the Sultan had actually succeeded in having the Kurd gelded.

Although the normally cowardly Ahmad Jalayir had never previously used his scimitar in anger, he was a competent swordsman, having for personal protection been instructed in the art by the best instructors in Baghdad. The Sultan's weaponry skill therefore posed a genuine threat to Haluk and caused the watching Rezan and Teimuraz several alarms as the fight to the death proceeded.

The worst fright stemmed from a bloody wound that Ahmad Jalayir managed to inflict on Haluk's sword arm. This event also proved to be the turning point of the combat.

The gory end of the conflict now came very quickly. The shock of the occasion was increased by the sudden silence, as the noisy clash of steel ceased, and the sight of a decapitated body, spurting copious blood from the neck, slowly falling to the floor. The severed head was already residing on the ground, with eyes wide open and appropriately exhibiting a facial expression of horrified surprise.

The severed head in the fortress near Tikrit had been that of Ahmad Jalayir. The injury to Haluk's arm had only spurred the Kurdish eunuch to more ferocious and skilful wielding of his own weapon and the swift decapitation of the Sultan of Baghdad.

(Edirne, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], same time)

The economic and social devastation caused by the lengthy civil war, along with Suleyman's shortcomings, eventually encouraged the Janissaries in Edirne to revolt. This significant event was to be the first but by no means last time that the elite corps was to dabble in Ottoman politics.

As a result of the Janissary revolt, Suleyman was murdered, leaving Musa in charge of the Ottoman European domains. Meanwhile, the now 21 year-old Mehmet, still ably advised by Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, and now provided with crucial Byzantine support, had been quietly continuing to consolidate his control over much of Anatolia.

The ultimate showdown for sole control of the Ottoman Empire between Musa and Mehmet therefore seemed imminent.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana [in modern Uzbekistan], 1 year later, Summer 1411)

Shahrukh had agreed to Arman's suggestion that, for strategic reasons, he would be better ruling his empire from the more central location of Herat [in modern Afghanistan]. This city was to the southwest of Samarkand and was now to be greatly aggrandised by the new Timurid ruler after he had moved his base there, leaving behind his now 17 year-old son, Ulugbeg, to govern the former capital.

Shahrukh appreciated that Ulugbeg would need wise counsel to rule Samarkand and the surrounding province. Realising the very close longstanding relationship between Vissarion and his son, he had therefore selflessly sacrificed the Georgian eunuch's outstanding advisory and administrative services so that the teenage prince could benefit from them instead.

Shahrukh was helped in making his sacrifice by the knowledge that Vissarion was continuing to provide his dynasty with invaluable service and that couriers, using a relay of horses, could quickly convey messages between Herat and Samarkand. The Georgian's continued wise counsel could therefore still be obtained within a few days, thereby helping his master to rule his large empire wisely for another 36 years.

Some historians have accused Shahrukh of being a poor successor to Tamerlane. This view appears to emanate from the fact that he was not as bellicose as his father and was prepared to allow some of the peripheral territories of the Timurid Empire, such as Mesopotamia and Azerbeijan, to fall under the control of others. However, the judgement is unjust.

Advised by Vissarion, Shahrukh astutely decided to keep within his empire only lands that could be easily retained. His policy was to try to consolidate Tamerlane's achievements by presiding over relatively peaceful domains, where people could repair any devastation caused by the late conqueror's campaigns and then prosper.

By assisting Shahrukh and Ulugbeg to follow such a policy successfully, Vissarion was fulfilling the Bibi Khanum's hopes and prophecy that he would help, for as long as he lived, to protect and preserve the legacy of Tamerlane. The formidable Eldest Queen of his late master had therefore herself recently died happily, knowing that the Georgian, whom she had come to afford much motherly love, was succeeding in achieving his foretold destiny.

Vissarion's main sadness at remaining in Samarkand whilst the Timurid capital was transferred to Herat was his consequential separation from his oldest and best friend, Arman. However, compensation came from the Georgian's continuing close association with the nicely developing Ulugbeg.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana [in modern Uzbekistan], almost 34 years later, February 1445)

The elderly Timurid general of Armenian extraction subsequently additionally eventually chose to live in Samarkand, retiring to the city to be close to his son, as well as to his beloved Vissarion. He was later delighted that his first grandson followed family tradition by also being named Arman.

This grandson, who became known to Vissarion as 'Little Arman', was now still sitting on his honorary great uncle's lap, as the elderly Georgian eunuch continued to tell his fascinating history.

(Tiflis [modern Tbilisi], Georgia, almost 33 years previously, Summer 1412)

The pair had taken an instant liking to each other, perhaps because they were so similar, and not just in physical appearance. The older man had travelled a long way to be an incognito guest at a certain special event and was returning to where he now regarded as home. He had also fulfilled his younger cousin's prophecy in respect of playing a major role in the latter's national destiny.

The coronation of Alexander I, the new 23 year-old King of Georgia, had just taken place in the holy splendour of Tiflis' restored Sion Cathedral. His father, Konstantine I, had recently died, having succeeded the late Georgi VII half a decade previously.

The very handsome Alexander I, who shared the wonderful blonde, blue-eyed features of his older cousin and furtive guest, Vissarion, was to reign so well for 30 years that he was later to gain the epithet of 'The Great', just as a certain Macedonian namesake had done about 17 centuries earlier. Despite some difficulties involving internal rebels and external predators, which were eventually overcome, he was to reunify and restore his nation to relative prosperity, after the devastating attacks reeked in recent times by Tamerlane and others, such as the Mongols of the Golden Horde. However, he only managed to do so because of important assistance, kept secret because the provider was still regarded with acute public disdain in his homeland and also did not want to divert any praise from the King.

Although allowing Georgia to escape permanently from his control was in line with Shahrukh's policy of shedding troublesome borderlands, he was also influenced by a desire to reward Vissarion for his considerable services to Tamerlane and his legacy. Prompted by his son, Ulugbeg, he had granted the eunuch the favour of promising that his homeland could face the immediate future without any Timurid threat.

Although others would, later in the millennium, seriously disturb the peace, especially the Persians, Turks and Russians, with the latter conquering Georgia in the 19^th century, such promised respite from Timurid intimidation now enabled Alexander to reunite his homeland under his wise and just kingship. He had already begun the process by the time of his coronation.

Restoration of native royal control was exemplified by the joyous fact that Alexander I's coronation took place in the magnificent restored cathedral of Georgia's capital of Tiflis [modern Tbilisi]. Vissarion, whose own crowning this could have been, happily watched the whole spectacle.

"Farewell, Cousin, and thank you," a tearful Alexander I later said to Vissarion, on behalf of himself and Georgia, as the two handsome men subsequently hugged before parting forever.

(Great Palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire [modern Istanbul in Turkey], same time)

One of John VIII Palaeologus' earliest actions on assuming real power had been to appoint the equally highly capable 28 year-old Petŭr as his Grand Chamberlain, or principal adviser and bureaucrat. The main thrust of their policies was to try to maintain the independence of what remained of the Byzantine Empire, which now comprised little more than the city of Constantinople. They hoped that their task would be made much easier by their continued friendship and alliance with the Ottoman prince, Mehmet.

(Near Sofia, Bulgaria, 1 year later, Summer 1413)

Mehmet was assisted in his cause by the fact that Musa had alienated the Balkan princes who had supported him against Suleyman by typically treacherously turning against them. Amongst his campaigns, he attacked Serbia, advancing as far north as Austria, sent raiding parties into Greece and besieged Constantinople, whose rulers had now allied themselves to his younger half-brother.

Mehmet's Byzantine allies were able to gain their revenge in 1413 by helping the forces of the younger half-brother to cross the Dardanelles to the European mainland, where they sought a decisive battle with Musa's army. This was fated to take place near the Bulgarian city of Sofia. Both Ottoman princes were confident of ultimate success but, of course, only one of them would now be proved correct.

Mehmet's confidence did not just stem from the large army of Anatolians he had managed to assemble or the substantial supporting forces his Byzantine friend, John VIII Palaeologus, had been instrumental in securing for him and was also now leading. The 24 year-old prince's assurance had been further boosted by the arrival of large contingents of renowned Timurid cavalry, commanded by Arman, Sibur and Teimuraz, and the loan of a key advisor from Ulugbeg's court, in the still handsome shape of Vissarion.

The idea of supporting Mehmet militarily had been entirely Vissarion's. The Georgian was now also to play in own key role in the campaign against Musa by providing his fellow eunuch and bureaucrat, Vladimir, with important assistance in organising the associated military logistics.

Neither Shahrukh nor Ulugbeg had wanted to deny their loyal servant, Vissarion, his wish to go to the aid of a friend in need, especially as their own lands were currently largely peaceful. The attitude of the Timurid princes was assisted by the fact that their empire was also no longer really threatened by Ottoman ambitions. After allowing certain western territories to fall into the hands of other rulers, the domains of the two imperial houses rarely even bordered each other, each benefiting from having buffer states between them.

Shahrukh and Ulugbeg also recognised that if Mehmet was victorious, they should, by providing help for his cause in his war against his surviving half-brother, gain a useful friend on the throne of the reunited Ottoman Empire. The Timurid princes therefore did not only wish Vissarion well, as he left to embark upon his military adventure in the west, but also equipped him with whatever forces he wanted, plus Arman, Sibur and Teimuraz to lead them.

The ultimate result, guided by Arman's excellent campaign strategy and tactics, which Mehmet had followed, was the complete rout of the forces of the Ottoman prince's half-brother near Sofia. The momentous victory was also aided by the battlefield defection of the opponent's Janissaries, whose Agas, discontented with Musa's leadership, had previously been in secret contact with their former comrades, Kiril and Zoran.

The rather cowardly Musa meekly surrendered on the battlefield, just as he had done to Tamerlane at Ankara 11 years previously. The question then arose as to how the victor should treat the vanquished.

Mehmet initially wanted to show Musa mercy, as he abhorred the idea of fratricide. However, he was strongly advised that such a scenario was too dangerous. His older half-brother would undoubtedly seek to escape any subsequent imprisonment and the long, bloody civil war that had already been suffered within Ottoman domains could resume.

Mehmet was eventually persuaded that he could not allow Musa to survive when even the normally highly compassionate Vissarion added his weight to the argument in favour of execution. The Georgian's advice, which might in the modern era seem harsh, needs to be considered in the context of the brutal times and that his attitude balanced the fate of one cowardly but devious captive against the interests of a whole empire and its population.

Vissarion's attitude was not affected by the grievous and near-fatal wound suffered by Teimuraz during the recent battle. The Georgian managed to keep such considerations out of his mind and judged the situation with his customary mental clarity and wisdom.

Mehmet finally gave the execution order to his 25 year-old Janissary commanders, Kiril and Zoran, who, although themselves not normally cruel, decided that Musa should share the same fate that he had inflicted on Isa. They supervised the garrotting with a bowstring of their prince's surviving half-brother.

Later, after Mehmet had finally safely returned to Edirne and the Ottoman Empire was once more controlled by a single ruler, the Timurid contingents, which had proved so vital in the success, departed to return to the east. Despite attempts to be manly and desist from such displays, some tears flowed when final farewells were expressed between the new Sultan and his friends, Vissarion, Arman and Sibur, who were leaving Teimuraz behind to recover from his wound.

Assisted by excellent care within Mehmet I's palace in Edirne, Teimuraz did slowly and completely recover. However, he subsequently did not fulfil his original intent of also returning east. The new Ottoman Sultan's reunified domains were still challenged by dangerous external and internal threats. The 30 year-old Timurid general therefore sought and obtained Shahrukh's permission to remain to help secure his current host's imperial legacy.

30 year-old Teimuraz's decision was partly influenced by the fact that the youthful passions previously enjoyed between him and the now 36 year-old Arman and 45 year-old Sibur had long since changed to mutual close non-sexual friendship. He, like they had already done, therefore now sought to marry well and ensure that his miraculously still intact testicles made good use of their survival by assisting in the procreation of his bloodline.

Over the next few years, Sultan Mehmet I tried to become a man of peace, wanting to concentrate on consolidating his domestic position. However, he was at times forced onto the offensive, defeating, with the invaluable assistance of Teimuraz, as well as of Vladimir, Kiril and Zoran, internal revolts and attacks from international enemies. His efforts were assisted by the continued alliance with his friend, John VIII Palaeologus of Byzantium.

Mehmet I's ultimate achievement of restoring his father's legacy under a single ruler, thereby putting to an end the period of 'Fetret', or 'Interregnum', later earned him consideration as the second founder, after Osman, of the Ottoman Empire. He also preceded the similar act of national restitution after lengthy conflict, achieved by the great 20^th century Turkish statesman, Kemal Ataturk, by almost half a millennium.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], same time)

Gohar Shad's attitude was in contrast to her own experience as a mother, when she had been content to leave Ulugbeg largely in the keeping of her husband, Shahrukh, whilst she enjoyed a carefree life in Tamerlane's palaces. Such lack of maternal interest had been the primary reason why her son, despite his tender years, had spent much of his early boyhood on campaign with his father.

Gohar Shad's stance in respect of rearing Ulugbeg also now made her a poor choice to supervise the growing up of young Abd al-Latif. She had no real experience of proper motherhood, although, as in many other matters, she had firm opinions as to how it should be conducted.

Gohar Shad did not believe that children should be spoilt but should instead be toughened. Consequently, her maternal approach was unfortunately highly disciplinarian, with no overt displays of love or tenderness. Such a regime was to have a detrimental effect on the character of Abd al-Latif, who had already been traumatised by the early death of his mother and separation from his father, from whom he thereby became estranged.

Ulugbeg had not wanted to send young Abd al-Latif to Shahrukh's court at Herat but he was also disinclined to disobey his redoubtable mother. His irresolution when confronted by Gohar Shad's force of personality was undoubtedly increased by the temporary loss of advice from Vissarion, to whom he had granted permission to embark on the long journey to the Ottoman Empire to help old friends.

Both Ulugbeg and Gohar Shad were later to have much cause to regret transferring young Abd al-Latif from his father's love and care to a contrastingly emotionally cold life in Herat, where he eventually fell under the influence of rather fanatical Islamic teachers.

(Lahore, Timurid Empire [in modern Pakistan], 1 year later, Summer 1414)

Subsequent to Tamerlane's attack, Mahmud Tughluq's empire had dissolved amidst much fighting into various smaller Muslim entities, eventually leaving the Sultan with only a tiny proportion of his former domains. Gujarat, Malwa and Jaunpur emerged as independent states, whilst in the west Lahore, Multan and Sind remained in Timurid hands. Even Delhi had recently fallen to an undistinguished rival clan, the Syyids.

The Syyids would preside over the rump of the Delhi Sultanate, which was largely confined to the Doab, for 40 years until another rival clan from what is now Afghanistan, the Lodis, assumed local power. The subsequent three Lodi rulers would then once more assert some control over much of northern India from their new capital in Agra, although they suffered many factious nobles, whose dissension eventually allowed someone of destiny to move in and take over.

Prince Ahmed therefore did not inherit the Delhi Sultanate but was instead appointed by Shahrukh, on advice from Vissarion, as the governor of Lahore. The decision of the new Timurid ruler, who had become more religiously devout than his father, was despite the fact that the new appointee was a Sunni Muslim whilst Tamerlane and his family and tribe were Shias.

Shahrukh sensibly did not allow issues of religious allegiance, as opposed to personal devotion and competence, to cloud his judgement over people. He recognised Ahmed, who had become a friend, as being highly capable and very loyal and he was rewarded for his correct perceptions by years of excellent service in Lahore, where a Hindu called Krishnan became the new governor's main assistant.

Ahmed married well and sired many children. His efficiency and loyalty was also eventually rewarded when Shahrukh permitted one of his daughters to join the Timurid family by becoming the wife of a grandson of Miranshah. As a result of this marital union, the Indian legacy of Mahmud Tughluq's son was to be prove much greater than that of either the Syyids or Lodis.

Meanwhile, to ensure regional harmony, Shahrukh, again responding to Vissarion's astute suggestions, appointed Ahmed's friend, Nicolai, to the governorship of Multan, which neighboured Lahore to the southwest. The Muscovite was also to prove to be a most worthy choice, quickly overcoming the apprehensions of the local populace about having a fair-featured foreign Christian eunuch in the gubernatorial palace.

An unusual aspect of Nicolai's later life was that he became an excellent father. The Muscovite eunuch could not, of course, sire his own children. However, as in many countries of the time, there were many local street waifs without parents and he became so concerned for their welfare that he not only established decent orphanages but also personally adopted as many as he could manage.

When Nicolai eventually returned to his Russian homeland to visit his surviving Muscovite family, including the prospering Yaroslav, he was accompanied in great splendour by a coterie of happy, adopted brown-skinned children. Some of their extended progeny subsequently became notable regional tribal leaders.

Ironically, therefore, some of the most distinguished Muslim families of modern Pakistan, Afghanistan and northwest India can trace their proud status back to the rescue from the gutter of a distant ancestor by a Christian Russian eunuch.

(Bukhara, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], 3 years later, Summer 1417)

The name of the sagacious author, who had benefited much from his association since boyhood with Vissarion, was Ulugbeg. The inscription, which is still visible on the same madrassa today, read: 'It is the duty of every Muslim man and woman to acquire knowledge'.

(Mudanya, Anatolia [in modern Turkey], 3 years later, Summer 1420)

The superintendent found a handsome, clean-shaven, distinguished looking and richly dressed man in his early 40s, with golden hair and blue eyes, adjacent to one of the vacant Imperial berths, looking out to sea. The stranger's cavalry protectors wore the fierce expressions and uniforms, crowned by fur-trimmed, round leather hats with spikes, which were typical of the Turcoman warriors associated with the late, dreaded Tamerlane and his successors.

The intrigued superintendent approached the stranger, formerly introduced himself and asked bluntly and rather pompously what the foreigner's business was in his port. The traveller turned his blue eyes away from the sea towards the short, fat, bearded official and answered, in an understandable Turkic dialect, "I'm waiting for a friend's ship to arrive here to take me and my escort elsewhere. The vessel is due soon and my friend is rarely late for appointments."

"Do you have permission to be in Ottoman territory?" the xenophobic superintendent next enquired in a rather unfriendly manner. "Yes," the stranger responded, whilst simultaneously producing a folded document from a pocket. He had frequently been compelled to repeat this action in recent days, as a result of similar interest by the military or officialdom elsewhere within Turkish domains.

The superintendent unfolded the document and his curious eyes were immediately drawn to the impressive Imperial seal located at the foot of the paper, which appeared to be that of the Sultan himself. He then read the wording, which commanded all Ottoman subjects to allow free passage and provide the best hospitality to the bearer.

The superintendent immediately presumed that the stranger had to be some form of diplomat, who had to be shown respect. Consequently, he carefully and neatly refolded the early form of travel visa and, with insincere thanks, returned the document to the foreigner.

The superintendent then felt compelled pompously to advise the stranger that "Your friend's ship won't be docking here. These berths are for vessels of the Imperial fleet and none are due."

"In fact," the superintendent added, "if your friend's ship does berth here, he would normally be liable to a fine for docking illegally and irreverently and, if he can't pay, his vessel might be subject to confiscation." The official was actually rather keen about awarding penalties for such port misbehaviour, as he usually only passed a proportion on to the civic coffers, corruptly keeping a substantial amount for himself. However, in perpetrating such practices, he was not alone in the Ottoman Empire, as graft was unfortunately rife everywhere.

"I'm sure my friend can pay any fine imposed for any illegality," the stranger retorted. "Well, rest assured," the superintendent rather officiously replied in response to such nonchalance, "that, whatever happens, I'll carry out my duties as necessary." "I'm sure you will," the foreigner remarked before glancing back out to sea.

The superintendent correctly took the stranger's aversion of eyes as a signal that their business was over and so, without saying any more, he walked away towards his overdue afternoon sleep. However, the senior port official ordered the harbour-worker, who had originally informed him about the unusual traveller's presence on the quayside, to let him know as soon as the so-called friend's ship docked.

An hour later, the superintendent was woken from his slumber by the harbour-worker. "Has the friend's ship docked already?" the sleepy senior port official subsequently asked. "No," was the answer, "it's just appeared on the horizon but…."

"Fool, I told you to let me know only when the ship's docked," the superintendent interrupted, with clear annoyance evident in his voice, "so come back then!" The senior port official was keen to resume his slumber, realising that, given the current calm conditions, with what little wind there was being disadvantageous, the vessel concerned should take several hours to arrive.

"But….," the harbour-worker began to reply. However, his words were again interrupted when the superintendent retorted "No 'buts', fool. Just come back when the ship's docked!"

In response to this clear command, the harbour-worker decided not to argue but retreated from the superintendent's presence. He eventually returned less than an hour later to re-awaken his boss and confirm that the friend's ship had indeed now completed docking in the Imperial berth. However, having been called a 'fool' earlier, he now felt no duty to advise the senior port official about anything else concerning the arriving vessel, as the man could instead find out himself what his employee had intended to tell him.

Despite his initial drowsiness, the superintendent appreciated that the sailing ship had arrived with remarkable swiftness, given the prevailing weather. However, he incorrectly presumed that the wind must have changed direction in order to speed progress and did not query the point with the harbour-worker.

The superintendent instead rushed to the arriving boat, sensing a quickly earned cut of a hefty fine. However, his eyesight was too poor and he was too busy with tidying his clothing, which had become dishevelled as a result of his recent sleep, to appreciate properly until he was close the type of ship now docked in the Imperial quayside berth. In fact, the senior port official was almost adjacent to the stranger, who was still in a position similar to where he had previously been standing, by the time that his eyes fully recognised the newly arrived vessel.

The new galleon was the biggest and grandest that the superintendent had ever seen, and he had viewed thousands over the many years that he had occupied his current post. The swiftness of the ship's arrival was explained by its large number of oars. The ownership of the vessel was also evident by not only its splendour but also the banner that fluttered on top of one of the masts. The flag was the personal standard of the Ottoman Sultan.

Ownership of the galleon was further confirmed by the appearance, at the top of the newly fitted gangway, leading up to the deck from the quayside, of a richly dressed, bearded man, whose head was literally crowned with a magnificent bejewelled turban. The 31 year-old Sultan was flanked by a similarly aged and splendidly attired Slav servant, plus three older senior Janissary officers, whose distinguished status was clear from the red and yellow colours of their boots.

The Sultan took one look at the clean-shaven stranger with golden hair and blue eyes, who was waiting for him on the quayside. His bearded face then burst into a broad smile, as he rushed down the gangway to greet the foreigner with a firm hug, which defied all court custom. People granted audiences with the Ottoman ruler were supposed to bow and keep their distance, not receive an emotional embrace.

The Sultan's amazing greeting of the stranger was then matched in similar style by the attendant Imperial servant and the Janissary officers, whilst the astounded superintendent simultaneously thought that he overheard the word 'angel' spoken several times. Meanwhile, a large group of marines also disembarked from the galleon to cordon off this area of the quayside for security reasons.

'So', the watching superintendent now fearfully thought to himself, 'the stranger's friend is the Sultan himself.' For how he had earlier addressed the foreigner, he also believed that he could already feel the blade of the executioner's sword as he was being beheaded.

The superintendent's nightmare scenario then appeared to be beginning when, after their mutually emotional greetings, the stranger, sensing the nearby presence of the stupefied senior port official, advised his friend, the Sultan, that there was someone he wanted to introduce. Soon afterwards, the foreigner and the Ottoman ruler were approaching the petrified bureaucrat, who felt urine begin to seep down one of his trouser legs.

The superintendent's terrified face was ashen, as he attempted a polite bow before the Sultan and as a little pool of urine began to form around one foot. However, a little colour began to return when the official then heard the stranger's verbal introduction.

"I must commend this port superintendent to you, Majesty," the stranger commented, "for taking excellent care of the interests of the Imperial fleet here in Mudanya!" The Sultan, puzzled that he was being introduced by his friend to such a minor local official, glanced enquiringly at the foreigner, who responded by furtively winking and revealing one of his completely disarming smiles.

The Sultan consequently realised that his foreign friend was indulging in some game with the port superintendent and was happy to play along. He therefore addressed the obviously awe-struck official by thanking him for being so conscientious.

The superintendent tried to react by giving his thanks in return but, conscious of the potentially fatal autocratic power held by the Sultan and the irreverent pool of urine on the ground beneath him, all he could manager to mutter was "I….I….I….I…." repeatedly. Fortunately for the official, the Ottoman ruler, seeing a belated official civic delegation beginning to gather to welcome formerly their exalted but unexpected guest, then intervened to put a stop to the man's repetitious embarrassment.

"I would love to stop to converse for longer," the Sultan interrupted, "but other Mudanyan dignitaries appear to be gathering to greet me and it would be rude to keep them waiting." The superintendent then quietly breathed a huge sigh of relief when he saw the backs of the Ottoman ruler and his foreign friend start to walk away from him.

The superintendent did not hear the Sultan quietly ask of his friend "What, my dear 'Angel', was that all about?" The official also did not discern the reply, which was "I'll tell you more fully in private later, Majesty, but it concerned deflating a little bit of official pomposity!"

The new galleon flagship of the Ottoman fleet later sailed south along the Sea of Marmara, aiming for the Dardanelles. If the superintendent had been aboard, he would have heard loud laughter emanating from the passengers, as they dined in luxury and as the foreigner finally recounted his story.

Vissarion was now appraising his friends, Sultan Mehmet I, Chief White Eunuch Vladimir, who presided over his master's palace bureaucracy, and Janissary Agas Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz, of his new tale. Until now, none of the intrigued listeners had been aware of a pool of urine on the quayside of Mudanya or how the mischievous Georgian had encouraged a certain pompous port official to wet himself.

(Constantinople, Byzantine Empire [modern Istanbul in Turkey], same time)

(Dardanelles, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], next morning)

Meanwhile, a similar happening had taken place on the Byzantine galley. Two men, one now 30 and the other 36, then disembarked onto a large rowboat, crewed by several expert oarsmen.

The existing exceedingly important passengers on the Ottoman flagship, Sultan Mehmet I, Chief White Eunuch Vladimir and Janissary Agas Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz, along with their angelic friend, Vissarion, also readied themselves on deck to receive the special visitors. As the rowboat approached, they all could see that the imminent guests comprised two handsome fair-featured and now bearded men.

After these guests had finally climbed up the gangplank of the Ottoman vessel, Mehmet I once more disregarded court etiquette by rushing to the arrivals and giving them both warm hugs of greeting. "Welcome, welcome, John and Petŭr," the Sultan then declared.

Vladimir and Kiril, who was Petŭr's younger brother, soon joined in the emotional reunions, along with Zoran, Teimuraz and Vissarion. The scene was particularly poignant for the person whom Mehmet still called 'The Angel of Ankara', as the Georgian eunuch had not seen the Byzantine visitors since they had campaigned together against Musa 7 years previously, whilst the others met at least annually.

Mehmet I now requested, in the decent Greek he had deliberately learnt over the years because of his friendship with these particular Byzantine guests, "Please, John and Petŭr, come below decks and accept the humble hospitality of the Ottoman Sultan!"

As Mehmet and his guests subsequently began to descend the steps into the luxurious innards of the Ottoman flagship, Vladimir, who always tried to be alert for the signs, thankfully noticed the Sultan's eyes glaze over. This enabled the Slav eunuch to catch his beloved master before he fell down the stairs.

"What's happening?" an alarmed John asked on behalf of himself and Petŭr. However, Kiril, Zoran and Vissarion did not make such an enquiry, as they were already privy to Mehmet's secret, having been occasional witness to similar scenes previously. They instead simply went to the aid of Vladimir, who was grateful for the assistance in preventing his beloved Sultan from collapsing dangerously down the steps.

John and Petŭr were then amazed to observe Mehmet quickly regaining his full senses. The Sultan, feeling four pairs of hands holding him steady, also immediately realised what had just happened.

"Thank you everyone," Mehmet politely said to his four supporters before, noticing the worried and puzzled expressions on the still handsome albeit bearded faces of John and Petŭr, then suggested to the concerned pair, whilst displaying a reassuring smile, "Don't worry, my friends! I've just experienced a brief faint to which I'm occasionally susceptible."

In fact, Mehmet I had just suffered a type of epileptic fit called an 'atonic' or 'akinetic' seizure, in which all muscle control is temporarily lost and the victim simply collapses to the ground, hence another name of 'drop attack'. Although the person falls heavily, they are usually able to stand up again immediately. However, the sufferer's head can sometimes receive a serious knock.

Mehmet I had suffered such occasional attacks since he was 16 but they had thankfully been very rare and so far relatively harmless. The disability was known only to his closest entourage, as the associated fits had never occurred in public.

Having once more rapidly recovered from his faint, Mehmet then led his guests towards the couches and low tables, which would be the scene for a long and lavish banquet, whilst they appraised themselves of the latest news about each other, as well as reminisced over past times. The reunion in the quiet anchorage was to last for several happy days. When those participating eventually had to part again to go their separate ways, a few tears again flowed, reduced in quantity only by anticipating similar future meetings.

In light of what had happened in the stairwell of the Ottoman flagship, a common farewell salutation towards Mehmet on the part of Vissarion, John and Petŭr comprised wishes for his continued good health and avoidance of any harm because of his occasional fits.

(Edirne, Ottoman Empire [in modern Turkey], almost 1 year later, 26^th May 1421)

32 year-old Mehmet, looking as healthily vigorous as ever, was hunting in the countryside around Edirne, accompanied on horseback by his usual close retinue, including Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuaz. However, the Sultan suddenly suffered one of his rare atonic epileptic seizures and suddenly his alarmed entourage could do little to prevent their master from falling from his tall steed.

Unfortunately, as he tumbled, Mehmet's bejewelled turban fell from his head, which was therefore unprotected as his skull hit a rock. Vladimir was already tearful when he was subsequently the first to reach his beloved Sultan, quickly followed by the equally distressed Kiril, Zoran.

(Bursa, Anatolia, Ottoman Empire, 1 year later, 26^th May 1422)

Tears at Mehmet I's grand mausoleum, on the first anniversary of the Sultan's tragic death, therefore appeared appropriately shed by his closest advisers and friends, all of whom had been sagely retained in their important civil and military positions by the late ruler's young successor. However, Murad II, now an 18 year-old, was not currently present in Bursa. He had declined to follow his father's policy of peace towards the remains of the Byzantine Empire and was currently engaged on besieging Constantinople.

Murad II was eager to establish himself by achieving glory and, in his opinion, there was no better way of attaining this than by capturing Constantinople. Nevertheless, the new young Sultan respected the wishes of Chief White Eunuch Vladimir and Janissary Agas Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz to demur from assisting him in this particular enterprise. His unprecedented benevolence to the officials, who might be accused by others of profane disobedience or even treachery, enabled the quartet to retain not only their heads but also their senior positions.

Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz had bravely felt morally obliged to continue to honour Mehmet I's undertaking not to seek to harm Constantinople during the lifetime of John VIII Palaeologus, not least because they too immensely liked the city's co-Emperor. Murad II's tolerance therefore permitted the four officials to perform alternative duties whenever action against the Byzantines was ever being discussed or, as now, actually perpetrated.

Murad II's remarkable consideration towards Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz resulted from his respect for their continued honouring of his father's pledge, which demonstrated admirable staunch loyalty to Mehmet I's memory. The new Sultan also wisely did not want to lose four such obviously highly capable men so early in his reign, when he appreciated that he would need all the help he could acquire to strengthen his own personal position.

Murad II's magnanimity was additionally boosted by the service already provided to him by Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz. His Chief White Eunuch's administrative skills and his Janissary Agas' military prowess had already helped to consolidate his succession, which had been disputed by several impostors, including one pretending to be another of his father's brothers.

Sadly, in apparent replication of what had occurred after Bayezid I had poisoned himself, another rival for Ottoman supremacy had been Murad II's younger brother, Mustafa. The 13 year-old boy had unwisely allowed himself to be used by rebels covetous for power, only to be executed when finally defeated and captured on behalf of his older sibling by forces commanded by the new Sultan's three senior Janissaries, aided by his Chief White Eunuch's excellent logistical skills.

All of the pretenders had therefore been rapidly defeated during the first year of Murad II's reign, mainly as a result of the organisational and military prowess of his Chief White Eunuch and principal Janissaries. Such a scenario then enabled him to concentrate on Constantinople, whose rulers he suspected of aiding the impostors. In fact, the Byzantine co-Emperors had actually only done so reluctantly when they realised that the new Sultan's next target would be their city.

The Byzantine support to the impostors was to be the first time that John and Petŭr and Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz were to find themselves on different sides in a conflict. However, the young Byzantine co-Emperor and his Grand Chamberlain did not actually participate in any fighting, their ultimately unsuccessful contribution towards the rebel cause being confined to a few mercenaries, supplemented by significant amounts of gold.

Murad II, of course, had to enter the current campaign against Byzantium without the assistance of Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz. Their help was to be sorely missed, as the siege of Constantinople eventually proved humiliatingly unsuccessful.

Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz had instead temporarily retired to Bursa, where they supervised the completion of their late master's magnificent mausoleum, which is a splendid legacy of both him and them that remains extant to this day.

(Pacific coast of South America, over 2 years later, Summer 1424)

Over the years, within the admiral's regular vast expeditionary fleets, the now 38 year-old Chi Le had become one of 53 year-old Zheng He's most capable captains. In line with contemporary Chinese imperial practice, all such key officers were nullified eunuchs.

Chi Le had also now volunteered to lead the effort to establish the latest colony. However, he fully hoped and expected to return to China someday and rejoin the service of his master.

The Emperor Zhu Di's idea was that the distant colonies would become centres of procurement of local resources, either natural or manufactured by the native populace, as well as possible bases for future imperial expansion. The settlements would remain in touch with the faraway homeland through regular return naval visits.

Unfortunately, in this year, the Chinese Emperor died and his successors increasingly rejected the idea of worldwide exploration, colonisation and trading, and soon there were no more return voyages to the settlements. The inhabitants of the latter, including Chi Le, were consequently left to their own devices and through such efforts either to prosper or perish.

Consequently, Chi Le regrettably never again saw his former master and admiral, Zheng He, who died in 1435, still wondering how his fellow nullified eunuch was faring in the land on the other side of the vast Pacific Ocean. In modern times, there is little evidence of the answer to this question, although there is an etymological hint that the emasculated colonist might have prospered.

The name of the modern South American country, on whose territory the Chinese settlement was established 68 years before Columbus supposedly discovered the continent, is said by some to derive from a local native language, Quechua Chilimapa. The relevant word referred to an area that was cool and snowy and meant 'cold land'.

'Chili' in Quechua was virtually synonymous with the English 'chilly', although it has no common history with that word. Some also say that the term was not the source for the name of the modern republic of Chile.

Other people instead propound the notion that the name of the republic is a legacy from a certain redoubtable nullified Chinese eunuch settler called Chi Le.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], 5 years later, Summer 1429)

Ulugbeg walked with his mother, Gohar Shad, around the new observatory that he had invited her to open officially. The formidable queen was not the type of person to refuse such honours and so she had travelled from Herat to perform the ceremony, despite the disapproval of her newly religiously fanatical grandson, Abd al-Latif.

Ulugbeg's fascination with seeking knowledge, especially about the nightly heavenly firmament, which he had acquired as a child from the person who was now his principal minister, Vissarion, had persisted into manhood. Such stellar obsession had been exemplified in other new buildings in Samarkand for which he had already been responsible. For example, his splendid local madrassa, which still survives in modern times, was decorated with glazed tiles displaying patterns involving many sparkling stars.

Ulugbeg's fascination with stars eventually encouraged him to build the new observatory, which was unsurpassed in the world of the time, being equipped with the latest astronomical devices, which sadly did not include the yet-to-be-invented telescope. Observation therefore had to be entirely conducted via the naked eye.

The large round observatory was 48 metres in diameter and 40 metres high and was bisected north to south by a huge marble 60° sextant cut deep into the ground for stability. Such an instrument was used to determine the transit altitudes of stars, which are their maximum angular distances above the horizon. The relevant sights were moved into position on brass rails, enabling highly accurate star tables to be compiled.

Ulugneg's sextant was by far the largest meridian instrument ever built. Its radius was the height of the observatory, namely 40 metres, which is very nearly equal to the height of the dome of the modern 200-inch reflector at Mount Palomar, California.

Ulugbeg's interest in astronomy extended to other sciences, especially mathematics. His attitude was summarised by his statement, which was despised by his devoutly fanatical son, Abd al-Latif, that "Religion disperses like a fog, kingdoms perish, but the works of scholars remain for an eternity!"

As a result of Ulugbeg's patronage, Samarkand became one of the main world centres for relevant scientific thinking and research, with the city's savants influencing similar work in many other contemporary Eurasian countries. However, he did not just rely on others to do the relevant work.

Ulugbeg was a superb observational astronomer in his own right. He was one of the first people to advocate and build permanently mounted astronomical instruments. He produced fairly accurate tables of the movements of the sun, moon and planets. His equally reasonably precise catalogue of over a thousand stars was also the only such undertaking carried out between the times of Claudius Ptolemy of about a millennium and a quarter previously and Tycho Brahe of over a century later.

Ulugbeg's attitude towards systematic scientific endeavours was also, given the era, surprisingly modern. He also disliked scientists who accepted his own findings and theories without proper thoughtfulness, possibly through obsequiousness towards him. He reprimanded such people by telling them that they must consider him ignorant. He also occasionally put false postulations to people he believed guilty of such fawning, shaming them by revealing his subterfuge if they accepted his fake reasoning.

In terms of buildings, Ulugbeg did not just concentrate on education and science but also continued the architectural policies of his grandfather, Tamerlane, especially in terms of continuing to adorn Samarkand with resplendent structures. He built splendid mosques, baths, caravansersai, hospices and gardens with lovely pavilions, many furnished with magnificent Chinese porcelain.

At the centre of Samarkand was the Registan, which meant 'sandy place' and was an open plaza, ultimately dominated by three great madrassas, one built by Ulugbeg. The still extant legacy of the Timurid prince's architectural tastes has a majestic portal with lancet arch facing the square. The corners are flanked by high well-proportioned minarets, which were never used in his time by muezzins, as they were said instead to hold up the sky.

The Registan, at the conjunction of six important roads leading to various city gates, was the ancient heart of Samarkand and had existed long before the Mongol invasion as a trade and artisan centre. In the square, to the strains of copper trumpets, public criers advised citizens about the new orders of the rulers.

Today's Timurid buildings of the Registan are characterised by an extraordinarily lavish use of colour, especially azure, emerald, deep blue and gold. The great domes are fluted, the vast porticoes richly decorated with corkscrew columns and intricately-patterned glazed tiles. The late 19^th and early 20^th century British statesman, George Curzon, later to become Viceroy of India and Foreign Minister, visited in 1899. He was moved enough to describe the scene as "The noblest public square in the world….No European spectacle can be adequately compared to it, in our inability to point to an open space in any western city that is commanded on three of its four sides by Gothic cathedrals of the finest order!"

Besides embarking upon further construction projects to aggrandise Samarkand, at Vissarion's suggestion, Ulugbeg also sought to honour in other ways his late grandfather, Tamerlane, and honorary grandmother, Shadi Mulk Aka. For example, he changed the single engraved stone, under which the conqueror had told his favourite boy that he wanted to be interred, from marble to the biggest block of precious jade in the world. He additionally donated a huge ornate Koran to the Bibi Khanum mosque.

A principal legacy of Tamerlane, Ulugbeg and some of their Timurid successors is definitely today's Samarkand. The city remains the unsurpassed architectural jewel of Central Asia.

Still also visible today is the inscription Ulugbeg ordered to be carved into the jade of his grandfather's tomb. This read, referring to Tamerlane, "When I rise, the world will tremble!"

(Sighişoara, Wallachia [in modern Romania], 2 years later, Summer 1431)

The boy, who will be a main character in an eventual sequel to this saga entitled 'Seraglio', which will also involve some of the current principal personalities of this tale, was later Christened after his father. He would become known to history as Vlad Dracula, the 'Impaler'.

(Munich, Dukedom of Bavaria [in modern Germany], 7 years later, 1438)

Johann Schiltberger was more than happy to accept the post. After Tamerlane's death, being a competent servant, he had moved to the service of the late conqueror's two surviving sons and a grandson, albeit in a manner not as sexually intimate as for his initial Timurid master. First, the Bavarian served Shahrukh before moving to Miranshah and then to one of his offspring, Abubekr. He next transferred to a Tartar prince allied to the latter, whose name was Chekre.

During his service for these various masters, which lasted for another 22 years, Johann Schiltberger journeyed to and sometimes lived for periods in Samarkand, India, Armenia, Georgia, Persia, Arabia, Egypt, Azof, Rus, the Khanate of the Golden Horde and Siberia. He later recorded these extensive travels in his 'Reisebuch', his legacy of written memoirs that clearly names the latter land for the initial time in western European literature, as well as similarly confirming first that the Prophet Mohammed's burial place was at Medina. They also valuably described the places he visited, including the manners and customs of the indigenous people, plus much contemporary local history

A fresh change of master brought travels to the Crimea, Circassia, Abkhasia and Mingrelia, and finally escape from the neighbourhood of Batum to Constantinople. Here, he hid for a time before securing a return in 1427 to his Bavarian homeland via Kilia, Akkerman, Lemberg, Cracow, Breslau and Meissen. After his return, he became a servant to the man who would later become Duke Albert III.

The effects of the passage of time on an ageing, selective memory caused Johann Schiltberger's memoirs to contain many inaccuracies and omissions. The latter understandably included his youthful sexual exploits. The writings were also produced from a biased devout western European Christian perspective. However, despite the shortcomings, his travel sketches are still of considerable merit for their era, providing valuable information about past people, places and incidents that might otherwise be lost to history.

Johann Schiltberger's remarkable life of travel, recorded in his homeland as his legacy to posterity and still extant today, gives the Bavarian every right to be equated with the slightly earlier Venetian, Marco Polo.

(Grand Palace, Constantinople [modern Istanbul in Turkey], 1 year later, 1439)

Because of the regular threat to Constantinople from the Ottomans under Murad II, John VIII Palaeologus had sought help from other Christian states in Europe. However, in order to be successful, he found that he had to try to placate the Roman Catholic Church, which still resented the schism with Byzantine Orthodoxy.

In his cause, John VIII Palaeologus travelled extensively, including to Venice and Hungary and eventually Florence. The Emperor left his faithful Grand Chamberlain, Petŭr, behind in Constantinople in effective and efficient charge of the Byzantine Empire, with the Bulgar occasionally contemplating the strangeness of fate, which had allowed someone who had once been a slave to end up in such a grand position.

In Florence, after protracted and very difficult negotiations, John VIII Palaeologus agreed to a reunion between the Orthodox and Roman Churches, with the latter paramount in the arrangement. However, the treaty was very badly received on his subsequent return to Constantinople and this reaction had led to the current popular unrest.

There were now calls for John VIII Palaeologus to be deposed, with his crown given to one of his younger brothers. However, before gaining the opportunity to assail the palace and probably kill their current Emperor, the outraged mob was confronted by a brave contingent of loyal palace guards, led by the Grand Chamberlain, Petŭr.

Petŭr had earlier persuaded his courageous imperial master not to perform this dangerous role. However, he had only won the argument by suggesting that the Emperor's appearance, as opposed to that of a respected official who was not associated with the hated treaty, might just further infuriate the mob.

Petŭr now did not use his soldiers to subdue the mob but instead practised his skilled oratory. He addressed the masses, reminding them of their Emperor's achievements and the reasons for him agreeing to the ecclesiastical reunion, namely gaining allies to protect Constantinople from the increasing threat of the Turks. He thereby calmed the popular temper and was so successful that no further disquieting incidents of this kind were repeated.

Later, as he had done 35 years previously but in far less stressful circumstances and relating to the relevant institution rather than eponymous golden bejewelled object, John again had cause to say to Petŭr "Thank you for saving my crown!"

(Near Varna, Bulgaria, Ottoman Empire, 5 years later, 10^th November 1444)

Mehmet II's father, 50 year-old Murad II, was still alive. Despite their master's bellicose ambitions towards the remaining Byzantine Empire and being ethnically Christian themselves, Vladimir, Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz had welcomed being in the service of the eldest son of their late beloved Mehmet I, whose tomb in Bursa they still regularly visited. With the considerable help of the important quartet, the Sultan had ruled his empire well, in the process demonstrating wisdom, justice and piety, as well as military competence. He had used the latter attribute to continue his later father's policies of seeking to re-institute, defend and expand the domains once controlled by Bayezid I.

Murad II, however, was also not obsessed with power. Weary of his exhausting role and of almost constant warfare, he had amazingly earlier in the current year abdicated in favour of his oldest son, 14 year-old Mehmet. However, given the current threat, the new young Sultan had wisely recalled his father from retirement to lead the Ottoman army and would later successfully persuade him to resume until his death his rightful place on the throne.

Vladislav III of Poland, George Brankovich of Serbia, and János Hunyadi of Transylvania led the Christian armies that now attacked the Ottoman Balkan domains in an effort the assist the beleaguered Byzantine Empire. However, their combined armies were annihilated by Murad II's forces near Varna, which was a port on the Black Sea coast of the Bulgarian homeland of Petŭr and Kiril.

Varna was therefore not to be one of Petŭr's favourite cities, especially as he had sailed unknowingly from the port 47 years previously for intended slavery in Constantinople. On the other hand, given his subsequent very happy life with his beloved John and the survival of his brother, Kiril, through the later bloody battle, perhaps the place could be forgiven for being the scene of some emotionally painful events.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana [in modern Uzbekistan], 3 months later, February 1445)

"I believe," Vissarion continued, "that their caravan will be collecting Rezan Khan and his Vizier, Haluk, from their home in Persia along the way. However, my friend, Nicolai, will be journeying from the south, from Lahore. He'll go via Herat, where he'll join up with Emir Shahrukh and his principal servant, Todo, who's Teimuraz's older brother, plus Ahmed and his assistant governor, Krishnan. They'll all finally congregate here with us and your grandfather in Prince Ulugbeg's Samarkand palace to commemorate at my late master's tomb the 40^th anniversary of Tamerlane's death."

"I suppose," Vissarion then commented, with sadness evident in his voice, "that the occasion will probably represent the last time that Tamerlane's boys will all reunite in this world!" Little Arman immediately perceived his honorary great uncle's melancholy and tried to end it by now requesting to be told another fictional tale.

Vissarion was happy to oblige the delightful boy, who was still sitting happily on his lap. As the elderly Georgian eunuch did so, he wondered what further legacies he and his friends would leave to posterity.

(Herat, Timurid Empire [in modern Afghanistan], over 2 years later, Summer 1447)

(Grand Palace, Constantinople [modern Istanbul in Turkey], 1 year later, Summer 1448)

John VIII Palaeologus was not only mourned by his own people in Byzantium. His loss was also lamented by certain elderly personages in the Ottoman capital of Edirne, who, by playing a passive role whilst their master, Murad II, pursued occasional futile attempts to conquer Constantinople, had considerably aided the late Byzantine Emperor's substantial achievement.

Chief White Eunuch Vladimir and Janissary Agas Kiril, Zoran and Teimuraz, all now sexagenarians, were, however, fatefully now released from continuing to honour the late Mehmet I's pledge not to attack Constantinople during John VIII Palaeologus' lifetime.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over 1 year later, 27^th October 1449)

Echoing some sad aspects of today's Islam, Abd al-Latif was influenced in his effort by religious fanatics, led by Hodja Ubaidulla Akrar, the leader of the Sufi Nakshbendi order, who considered Ulugbeg's interest in learning and science to be sacrilegious.

Abd al-Latif rose in successful revolt against Ulugbeg, who was ruthlessly murdered by decapitation in Samarkand in the process. The new patricidal ruler then went on to assassinate his complaining octogenarian grandmother, Gohar Shad, in Herat.

As a symbol of their fanatical hatred of science, the insurgents also razed Ulugbeg's great observatory in Samarkand to the ground. Fortunately, one of the institution's resident astronomers, Ali-Kushji, managed to escape with his life and a copy of his late master's star catalogue, so thankfully preserving this particular legacy of the Timurid prince's splendid rule.

Tamerlane's own imperial legacy, his empire, was, however, now to suffer decades of wars and partition under various Timurid princes and others. Nevertheless, certain arts, particularly architecture, literature, including historiography, and miniature painting, continued to flourish.

(Constantinople [modern Istanbul in Turkey], over 4½ years later, 29^th May 1453)

Amongst those slain amidst the subsequent slaughter inside the city at the hands of Mehmet II's half-million troops was Constantine XI Dragases. The Sultan, who, for his achievements in increasing his empire, was to gain Tamerlane's epithet of 'The Conqueror', proved less bloodthirsty 18 years later, after he captured Trebizond.

The grandson of Mehmet I also kindly issued his protective firman to the monks of Sumelas.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over 53 years later, Summer 1506)

Zahir-ud-Din Babur had ordered Ulugbeg's body to be re-interred in the Gur-Emir mausoleum in Samarkand, at the feet of his grandfather, Tamerlane, and near to his father, Shahrukh, cousin, Mohammed, and uncle, Miranshah. Meanwhile, Gohar Shad was laid to rest in her own tomb in Herat under the inscription 'The Bilkis of the Time' ['Bilkis' meant 'Queen of Sheba'].

Amongst the precious possessions Zahir-ud-Din Babur later took with him, after being compelled to flee Samarkand, were many historiographical scrolls, which described the life of his own great-great-great grandfather.

(Panipat, India, 20 years later, 21^st April 1526)

Judging the Uzbeks too strong to counterattack, Babur then decided instead to regain an empire by invading the more weak northern India from his new base at Kabul. He justified doing so by claiming to have inherited his rights to the lands in two ways, one being Tamerlane's earlier temporary conquest.

Consequently, Babur eventually faced the current Sultan of Delhi, Ibrahim Lodi, and his ten times bigger army on the battlefield of Panipat. However, skilful marshalling of his much smaller forces brought swift victory.

Babur had cleverly modernised Tamerlane's concept of a co-ordinated composite army. His horse archers were commonplace but his innovative mobile field artillery and men bearing muskets had ever been seen in India before.

The new weaponry wreaked havoc on the attacking enemy, who had been brought to a halt before Babur's well prepared defences. Caught between deadly gunfire and showers of arrows, Ibrahim Lodi's massive forces were devastated, with most, including the Sultan, left dead on the battlefield.

Babur went on to succeed in his aim of establishing an Indian empire. His great Mughal dynasty, which benefited from a succession of highly competent leaders, was to become one of the wealthiest states of Eurasia, with Timurid influence in the region consequently remaining significant for centuries afterwards.

For example, the great domed mausoleums of the Mughal rulers were based on those of Samarkand and other Timurid cities. This was especially evidenced by the Taj Mahal in Agra, which was built by Shah Jahan to commemorate his deceased wife.

Babur's second claim to suzerainty over northern India had related to another aspect of his lineage. As well as being able to trace his ancestry to both Tamerlane and Ghenghis Khan, he was also proud to know that one great grandfather had been Ahmed, son of Mahmud, last of the Tughluq Sultans of Delhi.

As well as restoring Timurid control, Babur and his able successors believed that they had also rightly returned the Tughluq bloodline to power in India.

(Tehran, Persia, almost 400 years later, February 1921)

(Constantinople, Turkey, 2¾ years later, October 1923)

(Tehran, Persia, over 2 years later, 12^th December 1925)

After Haluk had killed Ahmad Jalayir, having secured his vengeance and ended the devastation being inflicted on his homeland, he had returned with Rezan to Persia. Here, he was to help his friend wisely rule his own tribal territories until their deaths many years later.

Rezan's legacy was his genes. He dutifully married several times to ensure that he produced sons who could succeed him. His family line remains extant today, although sadly some male descendants exhibited more of the unpleasant characteristics of the Persian's father, Reza, than those of the son.

Despite his father's faults and because of his paternal ancestor's contrary aptitudes, Rezan sought to follow family tradition by naming his own senior son Reza. Their names should then have interchanged through successive generations, although somehow this practice was lost in favour of just one appellation.

The warlord who became in the 20^th century the first Shah of Persia of the Pahlavi dynasty was one of Rezan's direct descendants. His name was Reza Khan.

(Samarkand, Uzbek SSR, USSR [modern Uzbekistan], 15½ years later, 21^st June 1941)

By 1941, Uzbekistan had for 17 years been a constituent republic of the USSR. On the night of 21^st June 1941, a Russian named Gerasimov began a respectful scientific exhumation of Tamerlane's remains.

Within hours, early next morning, Hitler's armies had crossed the Soviet frontier, signalling the beginning of 'Operation Barbarossa' and the Nazi invasion of the USSR.

(Embassy of the Republic of Georgia in a certain Asian country, over ½ century later, present day)

The Foreign Minister's popularity within his country was related not only to his competence but also to his appearance. Many people, especially ladies, considered his features, which included brown hair and eyes, very alluring. However, to the great disappointment of some women, who would have literally loved to indulge in an affair with him, he remained resolutely faithful to his adoring wife.

The Foreign Minister had never met the new fair-featured Georgian ambassador prior to the presentation by the latter of his diplomatic credentials a few years previously. However, their first meeting somehow immediately sparked a mutual affinity, which quickly developed into close friendship.

After arriving at the Georgian embassy, the Foreign Minister was informed that the ambassador was currently in his private quarters. As was now common, the important guest and his young but oldest son needed no escort to walk to the relevant rooms.

The Foreign Minister discovered his ambassadorial friend sitting at a desk, writing in his diary with his back to the door, apparently oblivious to the fact that he now had guests. As usual in such circumstances, the older of the visitors now allowed his young son to play a customary game.

The boy very carefully and silently approached the ambassador and then gently placed his right hand on the man's left shoulder. Despite the gentleness of his touch and the fact that he had never yet managed to surprise the diplomat in similar circumstances, the 10 year-old visitor still harboured ambitions that the envoy would jump in surprise.

The boy believed that the ambassador could not possibly have detected by normal human means his extremely furtive approach. However, the diplomat simply carried on writing, reacting to the touch only by whispering, without looking to see who had arrived, "Hello, Little Arman!"

"Damn! Despite my best efforts," Little Arman announced in response, with clear exasperation evident in his voice, "you still sensed me coming. How do you that, Uncle?" The 10 year-old had asked the same question many times previously and had always received the same answer. However, as he liked the reply, he never tired of enquiring.

Little Arman was rewarded for the question by a turn of his honorary uncle's head and the appearance, sparkling in the sunlight streaming in from a nearby window, of peerlessly sensual, shining blue eyes. The diplomat's refined face then exhibited one of his famous, completely disarming smiles.

"As usual in such circumstances, Little Arman," Vissarion declared, patiently happy to satisfy the boy's addiction, as he had done many times previously, "I didn't detect your approach with any of my normal senses. Something else deep inside instead happily told me that you were close!"

"What do you think causes such feelings?" Little Arman, who shared his father's forename, as was customary for all of the oldest sons in his family, yet again asked, to receive his usual delicious reward. Vissarion's disarming smile grew broader, before he obliged the boy by responding with one word, namely "Love!"

Little Arman's grip on his beloved 'Uncle' Vissarion's shoulder immediately became tighter on hearing this word, and dampness invaded his young sensuous brown eyes. The boy therefore decided to move quickly onto a different subject before he became too embarrassingly emotional.

"Oh, please, Uncle, please tell me one of your stories," Little Arman requested, whilst extending his arms to Vissarion. The boy's common gesture was well known to the ambassador, as it inevitably indicated that the child wanted to sit again in the great storyteller's lap to listen to one of the diplomat's famous tales or recitation of amazing facts.

Vissarion was not the type of person to deny the boy either his time or such a treat and so Little Arman soon found himself in the protection of the comforting lap of the ambassador. The diplomat then smiled to acknowledge the presence of his other friend, the Foreign Minister, who returned the compliment, whilst furtively nodding to indicate that he did not mind waiting until after the imminent tale had been told to start his own conversation with his Georgian friend.

Vissarion subsequently proceeded to advise his fascinated young listener about another alleged exciting adventure of Tamerlane's boys, although his description was carefully censored for such young ears. The ambassador, who was originally an academic specialising in history, was able to do so because his friend, the Foreign Minister, had arranged access for him to the national archives, where he had discovered ancient manuscripts written, with amazing coincidence, by a namesake.

Both the Foreign Minister and the ambassador were proud of their bloodlines. The former correctly claimed that one of his paternal ancestors had been a renowned Timurid general of Armenian heritage, whilst the latter was a direct descendent of Alexander the Great of Georgia. The latter King had honoured a certain cousin by naming his first son Vissarion, which had thereafter become a common family practice.

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over 5½ centuries previously, Winter 1445)

The 68 year-old man had recently retired to his quarters to write what he believed would be the very last updates to Tamerlane's biography. Later, a very pretty 11 year-old boy, with brown hair and eyes, once more quietly entered the palatial room and deftly crept from behind towards the elderly writer.

The young visitor very carefully and silently approached the old man and then gently placed his right hand on the 68 year-old's left shoulder. Despite the gentleness of his touch and the fact that he had never yet managed to surprise the writer in similar circumstances, the 11 year-old intruder still harboured ambitions that the sexagenarian would jump in surprise.

The young visitor believed that the writer could not possibly have detected by normal human means his extremely furtive approach. Little Arman was, on this occasion, to be proved correct in his conjecture but not in a way that he would have wanted.

Vissarion's sitting form reacted to the boy's touch by slumping forward, with his once peerless face crashing onto the table before him. Clever Little Arman knew, before the elderly Georgian eunuch's head even struck the wooden surface, that his beloved honorary great uncle was dead.

(Embassy of the Republic of Georgia in a certain Asian country, over 5½ centuries later, present day)

The television programme that Little Arman was watching was not of the type to which many children would be attracted, as it was about astronomy. However, the 10 year-old had begun to have a fascination about the stars, ever since his 'Uncle' Vissarion had introduced him to the subject. The ambassador had claimed to the boy that he must have inherited his own infatuation in his genes.

The presenter of the programme was talking about the moon. Little Arman noted in awe, having recalled one of the ambassador's earlier stories about a certain boy's adventures on planet Earth's solitary satellite, that the television astronomer referred, amidst his interesting discourse, to a crater called 'Ulugbeg'.

Little Arman immediately appreciated, from the ancient tale that he had been told by his honorary uncle, that a certain prophecy had been realised.

(Istanbul, Turkey, same time)

The direct link between Mehmet I's grandson and the Sultan was, however, through the maternal line. The paternal lineage now strangely went back through a foreign Christian, who had originally emanated from Georgia before embarking upon an unusual and fascinating military career. He had become a renowned Timurid general before then uniquely transferring equally successfully to the service of the Ottomans.

The rescue by Arman of a little heap of rags from starving destitution in Tiflis [modern Tbilisi] in Georgia, and the subsequent survival of the boy's balls through several later grievous dangers, had eventually enabled his seed to procreate fatefully. In gratitude for faithful service and friendship, Sultan Mehmet I had allowed the foreign general to marry one of his daughters, with whom he sired many children.

Kemal Ataturk's direct paternal ancestor was named Teimuraz.

(Embassy of the Republic of Georgia in a certain Asian country, same time)

"Why," Arman Senior asked, "did our namesakes support such an apparent monster as Tamerlane? I know that the conqueror is regarded as a national hero in Uzbekistan but some historians accuse him of being responsible for millions of deaths, making him almost as bad a bloody tyrant as Hitler and Stalin!"

"Well," Ambassador Vissarion responded, "you have to consider Tamerlane in the context of the cruel times. Harshness towards vanquished enemies was commonly inflicted by most victorious leaders and the scale of the slaughter perpetrated by the conqueror was a reflection of both his immense success and his political need to intimidate."

"I'm also sure," the ambassador advised, "that our namesake's first motivation for serving Tamerlane was acute fear for their own lives. After all, they were only 10 year-olds when they were forcibly enlisted into his service and they had just endured the trauma of seeing many of their own people, including their families, massacred by the dreaded conqueror. Vissarion had also suffered the horror of castration."

"However," the ambassador continued, "I believe, from reading between the lines of my namesake's biography of Tamerlane, that the motivation of Vissarion and Arman gradually changed. They began to realise that, although they could never alter his ways completely, especially his desire for conquest, they could exert a significant moderating influence over their master. Such sway probably saved many, many lives."

"One emotion, though, undoubtedly became supreme in our namesakes' relationship with Tamerlane," Ambassador Vissarion added perceptively, "and it was eventually to subsume all others!" "Oh," Foreign Minister Arman next enquired, "what was that?"

As the original Vissarion often once did in slightly different circumstances with three Armans of successive generations, the ambassador revealed one of his disarming smiles before answering with one word, namely "Love!"

(Samarkand, Transoxiana, Timurid Empire [in modern Uzbekistan], over 5½ centuries previously, Winter 1445)

Arman Senior arrived whilst loudly yelling Vissarion's name repeatedly. The 68 year-old Armenian then stopped his worried shouts, as soon as he confirmed what he already knew would be present, namely his beloved friend's lifeless form.

Despite their copious tears and after comforting each other, the two Armans could not later resist the temptation of looking to see what Vissarion had been writing. Their mutual lachrymation then substantially increased when they read the words.

Vissarion had written an extra line, after finally concluding the updating of the biography of Tamerlane and his boys and after somehow appreciating that his own life was to be imminently forfeit.

Vissarion's final written words advised: "Having served my purpose in this life, I now go to winter forever with my master and be for eternity one of Tamerlane's boys!"

The End

(Some of the principal characters will sometime return in a sequel entitled 'Seraglio'.)